Book ~-^M
SOME REMARKS
UPON
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF THE
ANCIENT CHURCHES
OF
PIEDMONT
BY PETER ALLIX, D. D.
A NEW EDITION.
OXFORD,
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.
MDCCCXXI.
TO
THE KING.
May it please your Majesty,
IF your Majesty, following the example of
your glorious ancestors, did not think it an
honour to maintain the Reformed Religion, I
should never have undertaken to present your
Majesty with a treatise of this nature. This
defence of the ancient Churches of the Valleys
of Piedmont, is a kind of apology for the
Reformation brought about in the century
last past, in which those heroes of your name
had so great a part. The Reformation, right-
ly considered, consists only in the rejecting
of what for many ages has been superadded
to the Christian religion. The conduct of
the ancient Churches of the Valleys of Pied-
mont has served for a model to our Reform-
ers, and has justified their undertaking, see-
ing they have always preserved amongst them
the sacred truths of the Christian religion
committed to them, as they had received
them from the disciples of the Apostles, and
rejected the corruptions thereof, according
as by degrees they broke forth in the west.
a 2
iv THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
This hath been the only thing that hath made
them the object of the hatred of the Church
of Rome, and hath drawn upon them, for so
many ages, such prodigious floods of perse-
cution. It is very true, that the wretched
remains of these ancient Churches appear
too contemptible to attract the eyes of the
Princes of the earth towards them ; their pre-
sent desolation seeming so universal, that the
world looks upon them no otherwise than ir-
recoverably lost, and finally destroyed. But
all Europe knows, that your Majesty does
not judge of things according to the corrupt
maxims of the world, but the true light of
the Gospel, which informs us, that outward
prosperity is not entailed on the true Church;
that Jesus Christ owns those only for his
disciples, who take up their cross, and follow
him ; that he knows how to frustrate the
hopes of their persecutors, by miraculously
supporting and continuing his Church, whilst
they suppose themselves to have finally
triumphed over it. This is that your Ma-
jesty gave a high proof of, when, from your
Royal Throne, you were pleased to cast an
eye on the miserable estate of that little flock
of dispersed Christians, in affording them an
happy retreat in your dominions, as to the
ancient professors of pure Christianity, and
the faithful witnesses of those saving truths
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. v
which all Protestants do profess. What marks
of your charity and compassion have they
not received ? And of what efficacy hath not
this great example of your Majesty been, to
oblige your subjects to give them fresh in-
stances of their brotherly love and affection
towards them? Thus, Great Sir, whilst you
make good the character of a Prince, who
draws the eyes of all the world upon him, by
the greatness of his exploits, by the steadi-
ness of his conduct, and by the moderation
of his government, you, at the same time,
bear the impress of a Prince truly Christian,
full of zeal for the interests of his Saviour, and
of compassion for those who suffer for the
sake of his Gospel. This being a truth so
generally owned, I have taken the boldness
to lay at your Majesty's feet, and publish
under your august name, the defence of these
illustrious confessors of the truth, whom their
enemies have endeavoured to bear down with
their calumnies, after having borne them
down with the violence of their horrid and
bloody persecutions. God hath so miracu-
lously raised your Majesty for the rescuing of
the Protestant religion from the destruction
ready prepared for it, and which had been
infallible, without the vigilance and heroical
courage of your Majesty ; that those who
suffer for it, suppose they may have leave
vi THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
thus to address your Majesty, whilst they
comfort themselves in their sufferings, with
the prospect of that powerful safeguard and
support God hath provided for his poor dis-
tressed and afflicted Church, in the person of
your Majesty, as an evident mark of his fa- .
vour and protection. May the great God,
who has so tenderly preserved your Majesty
against all the attempts and machinations of
your enemies, and hitherto has made you
triumph with so much glory over them, con-
tinue to pour forth on your Majesty the
choicest of his blessings and favours, crown
with a glorious success the great undertakings
of your Majesty for the good of your subjects,
for the advantage of Europe, and for the
comfort of all those who profess the truth ;
are the ardent prayers constantly presented
to God by him who is, with a most profound
respect,
Your Majesty's
Most humble and obedient
Subject and servant,
P. ALLIX.
THE PREFACE.
1HE Bishop of Meaux has lately published a
treatise, entitled, The History of the Variations of
Protestants. He had formed the draught of it some
years ago, to engage the French court to recall the
Edict of Nantes, without any scruple or hesitation.
The pretence seemed very plausible: the Clergy,
who were both party and judge against the Protest-
ants, were to declare, that forasmuch as the French
Protestants had changed their belief, the court was
no longer obliged to the observation of an edict
which Henry IV. had granted to their ancestors,
who were of other principles. But this edict being
recalled before the Bishop's work was finished, and
the French court, which is not guilty of being over
scrupulous, not thinking itself to stand in need of
so vain a pretence, the Bishop was fain to employ
his work to another use. His design therefore in
the present publishing thereof is to deceive those,
who by ways of violence have been made to enter
into the bosom of the Romish Church, and whom
the same violence keeps there, against the sense of
their conscience.
This Prelate had before endeavoured, in his Ex-
position of the Roman Faith, where he employs
his utmost artifice to sweeten, disguise, and dissem-
a 4
viii THE PREFACE.
ble the matters and difficulties in controversy, to
abuse the Protestants, in order to make them more
easily digest the Roman religion, than they are
apt to do when they view it in its natural colours.
And now in this his History of their Variations, he
endeavours to represent to them the belief of the
Reformers, and most illustrious Protestant Doctors,
in the strangest colours imaginable ; that those
whom the dragoons have converted to the Roman
faith might look upon the force that has been made
use of to drive them from so detestable a commu-
nion as a saving and charitable violence. It is al-
ways the same spirit of falsification and juggling
that animates and guides him.
In this his last design, it had been natural for
him, had his intention been right, to have endea-
voured to make out, that the Protestants, or their
teachers, were divided in their belief of the articles
of the Creed ; about the object of prayer, and the
necessity thereof; about the necessity of obedience
to the commands of God, as well as the extent of
that obedience ; and about the doctrine and number
of the sacraments : for in these points it is that
the Protestants make the essence of their religion to
consist. Now it is well known, that in all these
they do agree: the questions that are ventilated
among them being, like those questions that re-
mained among the primitive Christians, upon se-
veral points of divinity; and some of them being
no other than mere controversies, about which the
Protestants have learnt to divide themselves in
imitation of the Schools of the Romish Divines.
But had the Bishop followed this method, he would
THE PREFACE. ix
have failed of his end ; wherefore he thought it suf-
ficient for his purpose slightly to touch the matters
in controversy, and to put into good French whatso-
ever he could rake together from the writings of
those of his communion, to expose the first Reform-
ers, and to make the Reformation odious.
It would be an affront put upon the age we live
in, to imagine that this thick laying on of paint
should be capable to impose upon any that have
never so little judgment left. The Bishop may
please to flatter himself with the success of his first
work, the Exposition of the Romish Faith : but I
believe him too sincere not to own, that he has
made no impression upon the spirit of any Protest-
ants, save such only who were ready to embrace the
first pretences that were offered, to rid themselves of
a religion that exposed them to so many miseries ;
or the profession whereof hindered their settlement
in the world. Those who have been forced to be-
come Papists against their consciences have found
by experience, that it was not sufficient for them to
subscribe the Exposition of the Bishop of Meaux :
No: their persecutors were not at all minded to
make them of his religion ; but they were fain to
swallow whole and entire the Profession of Faith
drawn up by Pius IV.
And we may assure the Bishop, that the same
will be the lot of this present work, which he has
entitled, The History of the Variations of the Pro-
testants in Matters of Faith. For let us suppose
that this Prelate has very well proved what he pre-
tends to make out, what will follow from hence, but
only this; that the Reformers were not infallible;
. x THE PREFACE.
that they did not at first reject all that deserved to
be censured as Popery; that some difficulties have
been met with in the hypothesis of those who were
not happy enough to refine and clear such corrupt
matters ; in a word, that they did not at first dis-
cover all that was to be known and believed as to
several points of divinity, and that they were fain to
take a great deal of pains in the discovery of that
truth which the Roman Church had taken so much
pains to obscure and confound ? We will suppose a
Protestant casuist at this time to write about matters
of conscience, and, for want of examining with suf-
ficient care the decisions of licentious casuists, to
follow some of them, being seduced by the false
principles of these Roman casuists, which the Bi-
shop of Meaux condemns ; will it follow, that an
hundred and fifty years after this some other Bi-
shop of Meaux will have right to propose, under
the title of Protestant Variations, the mistaken
opinion of this casuist, though afterwards his party,
perceiving the delusion, have declared against his
opinion ?
The Bishop is very pleasant in forbidding the
Protestants to make use of the way of recrimination
against the Church of Rome, in this point of vari-
ation, though indeed one only instance of variation
in faith, of fifty whereof we can convince them, be
a sufficient conviction of a Church which pretends
herself to be immoveable, because infallible. But
being very sensible of the weakness of his cause in
this point, he found he should be obliged, either to
acknowledge that his Church is a false Church, and
much more deserving that censure than the Protest-
THE PREFACE. xi
ant, as having been subject to a far greater number
of variations in her belief; or else that he would
be obliged to make use of the same answer we do,
in renouncing the infallibility of his Church. But
it is no matter of wonder, if by degrees only we come
to the perfect knowledge of the truth.
Moreover, is it not a very pleasant method, to re-
duce the dispute to the examination of some pre-
liminaries, whereas the ground itself has been dis-
puted above these hundred and fifty years.
In a word, whatsoever the Reformers may have
been, yet it is but just that the Church of Rome,
being accused of heresy, idolatry, and tyranny,
should clear herself of these accusations. Whatsoever
may have been the carriage of Constantinus Copro-
nymus, how can the manners of that emperor be
concerned in the question, Whether the worship-
ping of images be contrary to the law of God? The
reformation of Jehu, king of Israel, did it cease to
be a reformation from Ahab's idolatry, though he
himself were a wicked person and an hypocrite, and
though he did the thing but imperfectly?
In truth, the care the Bishop of Meaux has taken
in his Preface and whole book, to represent to us the
immutability of his Church, and her constancy in
matters of faith and worship, has opened so fair a field
to his antagonists, whom he attacks about the histo-
ry of the Reformation in the several parts of Europe,
and particularly in France, that he could not reason-
ably expect but to be opposed by them on all sides,
with all the vigour imaginable. There are still some
Lutherans, who have already made it appear, they
xii THE PREFACE.
are not at all afraid of the reproaches of a party,
whose head that condemned them, Leo X. was an
avowed atheist, and who looked upon the Gospel to
be no better than a fable. There are French Pro-
testants left still, whom Providence has delivered
from the bloody hands of the Bishops of France, to
maintain the interest of the Reformation ; neither
does England want able divines sufficient to repel
all the Bishop of Meaux's slanders. After all, I
hope the Bishop will give us leave to examine a little
the constancy of his Church, as to her faith and
worship.
In expectation therefore that the several authors,
whom the Bishop of Meaux has been pleased to
assault, will give him full satisfaction;. which as it is
no hard matter for them to do, so I question not but
they will do it very suddenly : I thought I might
take to task one of his books, viz. the XI. wherein
he treats concerning the Albigenses and the Wal-
denses; and forasmuch as therein he has carried
calumny to the highest degree imaginable, I thought
it was my duty, in examining this part of his book,
to give a scantling of his fair dealing, and the sin-
cerity he employs in delivering the history of those
two ancient Churches, to whom the reformed party
are so much obliged.
I know well enough that the strength of our de-
fence does not depend on the justifying of those
Churches. Let the Albigenses have been Mani-
chees, as the Bishop pretends to prove them; let
the Waldenses have been only a company of schis-
matics, as the Bishop is pleased to call them ; the
THE PREFACE. xin
grounds of the Reformation will remain just and
firm for all that, if the foundation of our reasons
holds good, and if the Church of Rome be guilty of
the errors, idolatry, and tyranny, whereof we accuse
her. But I conceived, 1 . That it was well becoming
a Christian to undertake the defence of innocence,
oppressed and overborne by the blackest calumnies
the Devil could ever invent. 2. That we should be
ungrateful towards those whose sufferings for Christ
have been so beneficial to his Church, should we not
take care to justify their memory, when we see it so
maliciously bespattered and torn. 3. That to justify
the Waldenses and Albigenses is indeed to defend
the Reformation and Reformers, they having so long
before us, with an exemplary courage, endeavoured
to preserve the ancient Christian religion, which the
Church of Rome all this while has endeavoured to
abolish, by substituting a bastard and supposititious
Christianity instead thereof. Whilst the Ministers
of the Church of Rome think fit to follow his con-
duct, who was a liar and murderer from the begin-
ning; innocence ought at least to have leave to de-
fend herself against their calumnies, whilst she wil-
lingly resigns to God the vengeance of the injustice
and violence of those who have oppressed her.
It is not my design here to write the whole his-
tory of the Waldenses and Albigenses; that has been
done already in several parts, by four or five famous
authors, whose books are in all hands ; I mean
Chassagnon, Perrin, the most learned Archbishop of
Armagh, Giles Leger, and Morland. If anything
may be added to their writings, it is concerning the
xiv THE PREFACE.
original of those Churches, their condition before the
twelfth century, and their total ruin about two or
three years ago.
It is for those that live in the neighbourhood of
Piedmont, and who have received into their bosom
the miserable remains of those so pure and so an-
cient Churches, to preserve the memory of so dread-
ful a desolation. I hope also that their piety and
zeal will prompt them to search with all the exact-
ness possible, for what may serve to continue the
sequel of the history of the Churches of the Valleys
of Piedmont, since the time where Morland and
Leger end their works. I am persuaded also, that
those who have undertaken to write an account of
the ruin of the Churches of France, will not forget
to set down the particulars of that persecution, which
has destroyed the flourishing flocks of the province
of Languedoc, a country where the Reformation
met with so easy a reception at first, because of the
remainders of the doctrine of the Albigenses, who
had dwelt there for so long a time.
What I undertake in these my reflections is only
this ; to set down the true antiquity of both these
Churches, who were so famous in the thirteenth
century, because of the opposition they made against
the corruptions which the Romish Church had in-
troduced in matters of faith, worship, and the go-
vernment of the Church. And as they then main-
tained, that they derived their original from the
Apostles, so I hope to make out, that in so doing
they advanced nothing which is not exactly con-
formable to the history of the ages past, from the
THE PREFACE. xv
time of the Apostles to the thirteenth century. This
is that I shall endeavour, by making out the suc-
cession of these Churches, as well with respect to
their doctrine and worship, as with respect to their
ministry.
As this design will engage me in the discussion
of a great number of authors, who have lived from
the time of the Apostles to the said thirteenth cen-
tury, so it will be difficult to give so smooth a form
to these observations, as might be expected in a con-
tinued history. In this case it is unavoidable, but
the discourse will prove here and there dry and rug-
ged, what pains soever may be taken to the con-
trary. But to make amends for this, we may pro-
mise, that the judicious reader, who is only in quest
of truth, will find abundantly wherewith to satisfy
himself, by examining the matters of fact set down
in these observations.
I shall treat of the history of each of these
Churches in particular, and observe much the same
method in the one as the other; and am not without
hope, that the remarks I shall make will serve to
confound the injustice of those, who, though they
know that what the Protestants believe and prac-
tise is truly apostolical, cease not to wrangle and
prevaricate, upon pretence that we cannot shew them
any Church before the Reformation, or at least be-
fore the twelfth century, which has absolutely de-
fended the same opinions as we do. This also will
be of use to strengthen the faith of Protestants, who
will perceive from thence, that God, according to
his promise, hath never left himself without wit-
xvi THE PREFACE.
ness, as having preserved in the bosom of these two
Churches most illustrious professors of the Chris-
tian religion, which they held in the same purity
with which their predecessors had received this pre-
cious pledge from the hand of those apostolical men,
who at first planted these Churches among the Alps
and Pyrenaean mountains, that they might be ex-
posed to the view of four or five kingdoms all at
once. I begin with the Churches of Italy.
THE
CONTENTS
CHAP. I.
CONCERNING the first rise and original of the Churches
of Italy - P. 1
CHAP. II.
The state of the Christian religion in the diocese of Italy,
until the end of the fourth century - - - 6'
CHAP. III.
Opinions of authors of the diocese of Italy, in the fourth
century, concerning matters of faith and worship 14
CHAP. IV.
Concerning the faith of the Churches of the diocese of
Italy during the fifth century 24
CHAP. V.
Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the sixth cen-
tury - - - ' - - -'-._ 28
CHAP. VI.
Opinions of the diocese of Italy during the seventh cen-
tury --- 35
CHAP. VII.
Some reflections upon the Liturgy of this diocese, called
the Ambrosian Liturgy ----- 38
CHAP. VIII.
Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the eighth cen-
tury - - - - - - - -48
CHAP. IX.
Opinions of the Churches of Italy, during the ninth cen-
tury .-.---_'-- 62
b
ii CONTENTS.
CHAP. X.
The faith of the Churches of Italy in the tenth century 87
CHAP. XL
An inquiry into the opinions of Gundulphus and his fol-
lowers, before the year 1026 - - - 102
CHAP. XII.
Reflections upon some practices of the Churches of the
diocese of Italy - - - - - -110
CHAP. XIII.
That the diocese of Italy was an independent diocese, till
after the midst of the eleventh century - - 119
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning the separation of the Churches of the diocese
of Italy from the Church of Rome ; and of the faith of
the Paterines - - - - - -129
CHAP. XV.
Concerning the belief of the Manichees; of their rise in
Italy, their growth, and their establishment - 141
CHAP. XVI.
Concerning the Cathari spoken of by Evervinus and St.
Bernard, and their distinction from the Paterines 152
CHAP. XVII.
A Continuation of the History of the Cathari in Italy, as
elsewhere, and their distinction from the Paterines 163
CHAP. XVIII.
That the Paterines and Subalpini were not Manichees, as
is evident from their writings, and from their opinions in
the twelfth century - - - - - 174
CHAP. XIX.
That the Churches of Italy were not founded by Peter
Waldo - 191
CHAP. XX.
Whether the Waldenses were at first only schismatics 200
CHAP. XXI.
Concerning the state of the Church of Rome, at the time
CONTENTS. iii
of the separation of the Paterines or Waldenses; together
with the accusations charged upon them by the said
Church, and the idea they had conceived of her 217
CHAP. XXII.
Concerning the belief and conduct of the Waldenses in
Bohemia 231
CHAP. XXIII.
Some instances of the arguments which the Waldenses of
Bohemia waged in their disputes with the Church of
Rome - 242
CHAP. XXIV,
Concerning the government of the Churches of the Wal-
denses, and of the succession of their Ministers 261
CHAP. XXV.
Concerning the persecutions which the Waldenses have
suffered since the eleventh century - - 280
CHAP. XXVI.
An instance of the calumnies of some Inquisitors 294
CHAP. XXVII.
That the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont have con-
stantly persevered in the same faith, until the time of
the Reformation - 306
CHAP. XXVIII.
Containing the conclusion of this Treatise - 318
Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi de Valdensibus,
ex codice MS. G. in publica Bibliotheca Cantabrig. 324
Processus Inquisitoris contra Barbam Martinum, ex Cod.
MS. H. in Biblioth. publica Cantabr. - - 335
Sumptum ex ore Peyronettae - 347
Processus Inquisitionis contra Peyronettam, ex Codice H.
Waldensium in public. Biblioth. Cantabrig. - ibid.
SOME REMARKS
UPON
THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
OF THE ANCIENT
CHURCH OF PIEDMONT
CHAP. I.
Concerning the first rise and original of the
Churches of Italy.
XjY Italy, I do not understand here the several
countries which, at this day, bear that name, but
only the seven provinces to which that name was
given, by way of distinction, and which constituted
a particular government, being particularly under
the care of the lieutenant of the western Praetorian
Prefect. These provinces were Liguria, iEmilia,
Flaminia, Venetia, the Alps, both Cottian and Greek,
and Rhsetia, or the country of the Grisons. There
were three legions amongst the troops of the em-
pire, which peculiarly had the name of Italic, be-
cause probably at first they had been raised in that
diocese ; whereof Milan was the capital city, and
the place of residence of the lieutenant we have
just now mentioned.
Baronius takes it for an undoubted truth, that An. 5 1.
St. Barnabas, the famous companion of St. Paul in11,54,
the work of the ministry, was the first founder of
B
2 Remarks upon the
chap, the Church of Milan, and of the Churches of Li-
i • •
' guria, which he refers to the year 51 of our Saviour
Jesus Christ ; that is, to the forty-ninth year, if we
rectify his chronology. In defending this his opin-
ion, he grounds himself on very sure traditions, as
he reckons upon the records of the Church of Milan,
and upon the testimonies of many authors. Ughel-
Jus is of the same mind, and Ripamontius, who hath
written the history of that Church, from the begin-
ning thereof, and sets down all he could get to-
gether for support of this opinion. But to speak
my sense plainly concerning this opinion of Baro-
nius, and those that follow him therein ; I believe
they have abused themselves by following late au-
thorities, and such as cannot make out so ancient a
matter. All this so sure tradition, and these monu-
ments of the Church of Milan, owe their rise to the
foolish vanity, which the emulation of the western
Prelates, for precedency and jurisdiction, has given
birth to, since the eighth century : indeed, since that
time, there is scarcely a considerable church in Italy,
France, Spain, or England, that did not challenge
some Apostle, or disciple of the Apostles, for their
founder.
Liturg. Pa I acknowledge that the Liturgy, which bears the
mel. p386.name 0f §^ Ambrose, supposes St. Barnabas to have
been the first Bishop of Milan ; but that alone is
sufficient to make it appear, that that Liturgy, as
well as others of the same nature, hath suffered
great alterations since its first reception in that
diocese. The later ages have made a great part of
their piety to consist in inventing these fables, and
the ignorance and blind zeal of people hath prompt-
ed them to entertain impertinent legends as articles
of faith, whereof the least footstep is not to be found
in the first monuments of antiquity. The learnedest
men of the Church of Rome have, in a manner,
wholly banished these apostolical originals into'the
land of fables, from whence they all proceeded at
ancient Church of Piedmont. 3
first; though some sooner, others later, yet all of chap.
them since the eighth century, as we have hinted.
Baronius therefore ought to have called to mind
here that judicious maxim, with reference to history,
which he himself allegeth elsewhere, Quod sine an-
tiquo author e dicitur, contemnitur ; "Whatsoever is
" asserted without the testimony of some ancient
" author ought to be despised."
Though it is plain, I might draw some advantage
in the sequel of my discourse, from the confession
of Baronius and other authors that have writ the
originals of the Churches of Liguria ; yet I shall
take heed of making use of it, my aim being not to
gain any thing by the ignorance or fabulousness of
our adversary, but exactly to search out truth. Ac-
cordingly I find, 1 . That the ancient ecclesiastical
history doth not give us the least hint, that ever
St. Barnabas preached in Italy, properly so called.
Several authors, as Origen and St. Chrysostom, giveEuseb.
not him the same allotment that the later historians JJ^J '
of Milan have done. 2.1 find it was a thing wholly
unknown in the time of St. Irenaeus and Tertullian,DePrsescr.
as also to Pope Innocent the First, in the beginning p^37, et
of the fifth century. 3dly, I do not find that any of Epist. l. ad
the authors who lived in that diocese, as St. Am~Decent'
brose, St. Maximus, and others, have ever set forth
the glory of this apostolical foundation of the
Church of Milan by St. Barnabas. 4thly, Petrus
Damianus might alone have served to correct this
erroneous opinion of Baronius : for being sent to
persuade the Church of Milan to submit to that of
Rome, he doth not at all take notice of the Clergy
of Milan, pretending to descend from St. Barnabas; Opuse. 5,
but maintains to their face, that they had received1*'32,
the Gospel from the Bishops of the Church of
Rome. There is no man of any judgment, who is
never so little versed in the history of the Church,
on whom these remarks will not make a greater
impression, than all those fables on which Baronius,
b 2
4 Remarks upon the
chap, and others like him, have built, in order to establish
1 their pretended tradition.
I am not ignorant, that since the thirteenth cen-
tury, Raynerius reports, that the Churches of the
Waldenses maintained, that they were apostolical
Churches : but the word apostolical must then be
taken in the sense Tertullian gives it in his book
of Prescriptions, which I have just now alleged,
Nascentes ex matricibus apostolicis deputantur ut
soboles apostolicarum Ecclesiarum. Indeed, they
are never the less apostolical, because they did not
receive the doctrine of the Gospel immediately from
the Apostles themselves. It is sufficient to make
them deserve the name of apostolical, that they re-
ceived the doctrine of the Apostles, as a pledge
from the hand of their first disciples, which they
preserved so very tenderly throughout the following
ages.
It is hard to determine whether it was in the
first century that these apostolical men planted the
Christian religion at Milan, and the diocese there-
unto belonging ; or whether it were done in the
second century ; forasmuch as Milan was a consi-
derable city in those primitive times, and we find
that the Churches of Lyons and Vienna were al-
ready famous in the second age, by reason of their
martyrs, apostolic men having first of all preached
in the capital cities, that the Gospel from thence, as
the head spring, might diffuse itself throughout the
whole diocese, and so facilitate the propagation
thereof. I am very much inclined to believe, either
that the same preachers who came from Greece,
out of the bosom of the apostolic Church, to plant
the faith amongst the Gauls, did also cultivate the
diocese of Milan, that belonged to Gallia Cisalpina:
or, that the disciples of the Apostles St. Peter and
St. Paul, who for their master Jesus Christ had con-
quered the cities neighbouring to Rome, pursued
their victories as far as Milan and its diocese.
ancient Church of Piedmont, 5
I do not think any man can precisely define the chap.
time of their preaching, those first disciples having
been much more careful to preach the Gospel, than
to write the history of it. For, we cannot rely much
upon what they tell us concerning the first succes-
sors of St. Barnabas at Milan, no more than we
can upon that which they assert, that St. Barnabas
was the founder of thatChurch. Lastly,Ido not think
it necessary to shew, (as some reformed Divines do,)
that the Bagaudse, of whom mention is made in the
time of Dioclesian, were the predecessors of the
Waldenses, and that they were both Christians and
martyrs. It is true that they build this their opin-
ion upon the martyrdom of St. Maurice, and of the
Thebaean legion, which seems to be confirmed by
the life of St. Babolenus, published by Chiffletius
at the end of Bede. But this foundation is of no
strength. The martyrdom of the Thebaean legion
is no more than a ridiculous fable, unknown to all
the ancient historians of the Church ; published by
some impostor, under the name of St. Eucherius :
and the life of St. Babolenus is a ridiculous legend,
being no ways fit to confirm so great an action of
that antiquity. We need only read what is set down
by those ancient authors, who make mention of
these Bagaudae, and it will be found, that we cannot
with reason make Christians of them.
But, however it may be, and though we should
acknowledge, that the Church of Milan was found-
ed by the care of the successors of St. Peter and St
Paul at Rome ; yet it is of importance to observe,
that this can give no right to the Bishop of Rome
over him of Milan, no more than St. Polycarp ac-
quired any right over the several dioceses amongst
the Gauls, whose churches were founded by those
whom he had sent abroad to preach the Gospel.
Pope Innocent the First complains, in his Epistle to
Decentius, that the Bishops of his own province did
not follow the customs of the Church of Rome. If
b 3
6 Remarks upon the
chap, this happened in his own province, which without
' doubt had been converted by the endeavours of his
predecessors, we may very well judge, that the first
preachers of Milan and its diocese had not subjected
\ Milan to the Bishop of Rome.
This is acknowledged by Pope Pius the Second,
who owns, in his Apology for the Romish Church,
written in the year 1457, that before the Council of
Nice small regard was had to the Bishop of Rome.
It is very necessary that this truth should be solidly
proved, which accordingly I design to do in the
sequel of this work ; and to shew the independence
of that diocese on the Bishops of Rome : my busi-
ness at present is to lay down the belief and wor-
ship of those Churches which were planted by the
disciples of the Apostles, and will be the subject of
the following chapters.
CHAP. II.
The state of the Christian religion in the diocese
of Italy, until the end of the fourth century.
JT ORASMUCH as we have scarce any author of
this diocese, during the three hundred and fifty-
first years after the birth of Jesus Christ, whose
writings are still in being, it will be impossible for
us to give an account of the state of the Christian
religion in that diocese, any other way than by con-
sidering the state of the neighbouring dioceses, and
most other Churches during that interval. But with
this assistance we may be able to supply the want
of those authors, whose memory time hath buried
in oblivion, or whose writings have been destroyed
by persecutions or by barbarisms.
We cannot doubt but that the principal articles
of their faith were contained in the Apostles' Creed,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 7
which, though it were not written by the Apostles, chap.
yet was received with a general approbation, as ap- 1_
pears from what Tertullian and St. Irenseus tell us.
Neither did they, without doubt, own any other
tradition, besides that of St. Irenaeus, that nothing
ought to be laid down for certain truth, but what
Jesus Christ hath taught, or the Apostles written,
and left to the apostolical Churches as a sacred
depositum.
It is undoubtedly sure, that this was the instruc-
tion which was given to the Catechumeni, who,
after private instructions, were earnestly exhorted to
read the writings of the Evangelists and Apostles,
to confirm and advance themselves in the knowledge
of the truths of the Christian religion. And it is as
sure that the strangers, who came with this profes-
sion, were received as brethren, and they looked
upon as heretics who advanced any doctrine con-
trary to the abridgment of the Christian faith.
The Bishops, when they preached, took the holy
Scripture for the subject of their sermon ; they ex-
plained the mysteries thereof. The Priests and Dea-
cons did as much afterwards, by order of the Bishops,
in the several places where they were settled ; the
one as well as the other being called to their offices
by the consent of the people, without which their
ministry was not acknowledged, or owned.
They admitted the Catechumeni, after an exact
instruction, and baptized them on Easter-day and
Whit-Sunday, and prepared them for the receiving of
that sacrament by long continued fasts, which were
prescribed them, and which the Church observed
with them, to witness to them the concern they took
in their conversion.
The Catechumeni did not assist at the celebration
of the Eucharist, but were admitted to it after that
they had received Baptism, and before that were to
make confession of their sins, in token of their
contrition.
b 4
8 Remaj'ks upon the
chap. It was not till some time after the Apostles, yea
even till after the second century, that anointings
were added to the ceremony of Baptism, as well be-
fore as after the receiving of it; which was the
charge of the Bishops, who gave the chrism to the
new baptized, together with the imposition of hands.
The new baptized were clothed in white, eight days
after their baptism : before which they gave them
salt to taste, and milk and honey to drink. Thus
by little and little did they stuff out this holy cere-
mony, as if it were come too plain and homely out
of the hands of our Saviour and his Apostles.
They received the Lord's Supper immediately
after Baptism, and the people offered bread and
wine on the table whereof they communicated. All
that were present were obliged to communicate.
The Deacons proclaimed the Sursum cor da, which
was a sufficient hint that they were to seek Christ
with their hearts in heaven, and that they looked
upon that ceremony as a commemoration. Both
men and women received the Sacrament in their
hands, without any adoration exhibited to it, and
they communicated all under both kinds.
We do not find that they prayed to any, but God
through Jesus Christ ; they prayed to him for the
penitents, for believers, for all the necessities of the
Church and the world, for the conversion of the
heathens, Jews, and heretics, for the emperors, and
for the government. They blessed God for the tri-
umphant death of the martyrs ; and in process of
time they prayed for the dead, that God would be
pleased to make them partakers of the first resur-
rection, which was not till after the doctrine of the
temporal reign of one thousand years was introduced.
They carried the Eucharist to the sick, and those
that were absent, and they called it the viaticum; a
name which would better have suited with extreme
unction, had that been the last sacrament of the
Church.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 9
The Bishops were every one of them heads of chap.
their Churches, but they acted nothing without n'
the consent of the Clergy of their Church, and
the people. The Priests administered the lesser
Churches, but so as that their behaviour, as well as
their ordination, depended on the Bishop and his
Clergy, who exercised discipline upon the delin-
quents. They were the Bishop's council, they
preached, they baptized, they celebrated the Eu-
charist, they governed the parishes, as well those
that were in the city, as in the country; they had
Deacons, who expounded also the Gospel, who dis-
tributed the Eucharist, who carried it to those that
were absent, who baptized, and who sometimes,
in less considerable places, had the oversight of
Churches. They were ordinarily those that visited
the sick and prisoners, and that took care of the
temporal concerns of the Church.
In process of time the number of Church-officers
was multiplied : there were sub-deacons, acolythi,
readers, exorcists, choristers, porters, and men that
buried the dead : all these were reduced under the
title of Church-officers : whereas before, the Bishops
and Priests performed the duty of exorcists, which
consisted only in praying over the heads of those
that were believed to be possessed of the Devil, or
which were overtaken with maladies that were
looked upon as possessions. The Diaconesses, who
were of apostolical institution, and received the im-
position of hands, and who, together with the vir-
gins and widows, made, as it were, a part of the
Clergy, were employed to instruct the women in
their houses, to visit the prisoners, and to prepare
and dispose those of their own sex for the reception
of Baptism.
They made a very exact scrutiny into the man-
ners and knowledge of those that were admitted into
the number of the Clergy; but it was not required
of them in some places to forbear the company of
10 Remarks upon the
char their wives, in order to their admission, until the
1L beginning of the fourth century; neither was it ap-
proved of by the Council of Nice in the year 325,
which left them at liberty in that respect. In pro-
cess of time they rarely admitted any to Orders that
were married, except they made a vow to abstain
from their wives. Pope Siricius was one of the first
that endeavoured to introduce the usage of ecclesi-
astical celibacy, and to make it pass into a law for
his diocese.
The Church had at the first divided sins into two
sorts : there were sins, which whosoever was found
guilty of were excommunicated for ever: these were
idolatry, murder, and adultery: the others did not
exclude the persons guilty for ever from being re-
conciled to the Church, but only laid a necessity
upon them of doing public penance at the church-
gate; which at first was done with less severity
during the two first centuries, but afterwards was
made subject to more strict and severe rules, and
continued for some years together, the Church re-
quiring these precautions, the better to be assured of
the sincerity of their conversion. The intercession
of martyrs and confessors, or the apparent danger of
death, wherein the penitents were fallen, obliged the
Church to remit somewhat of the severity of these
rules, which was called Indulgence.
The respect they had for confessors and for mar-
tyrs gave them a great authority, though many
times they were only women or laics : oftentimes by
their solicitations peace was granted to penitents,
especially if they were any way related to them.
The memory of their death was celebrated with
thanksgivings to God for their triumph ; which
commemoration was renewed every year. Their
bodies were buried very carefully; and the church-
yards being often the most secure places for the
assemblies of Christians, they celebrated the Eu-
charist in the same places, and upon their tombs.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 1
They boasted of their communion; and, from an chap.
heathenish conceit, which crept in during the IL
fourth century, they considered them as present,
and joining their prayers with the Church for the
salvation of those who resorted to their graves.
The veneration they had for their relics was carried
so far, after the midst of the fourth century, that in
divers places they lighted lamps and wax candles
on their tombs, and brought thither bread and wine,
to eat and drink at their graves, and celebrate a
kind of feast in honour of them. St. Austin in his Confess.
Confessions observes, that his mother, willing to ob- l ' ,c*
serve this African custom at Milan, was reproved
therefore by St. Ambrose, as being a heathenish
custom, and that she acquiesced in the Bishop's
determination.
In the fourth century images began to be intro-
duced into some churches, w#. the pictures of mar-
tyrs: but they knew nothing yet of painting the
Deity, or of giving the images any religious worship.
They made the sign of the cross on all occasions,
as if it had been an abridgment of the profession of
Christianity amongst the heathens, or a powerful
weapon against the devils.
They did not bury any at first, but in the church-
yards ; afterwards they began to bury in places ad-
joining to the church, and at last in the churches
themselves. And it was in those church-yards, ever
since the third century, that they celebrated the sa-
crament of the Eucharist, to render thanks to God
for the deliverance of those, whose decease had been
commendable and praiseworthy.
In the fourth century they consecrated churches
but to God alone, and distinguished them from those
places where the bodies of martyrs were buried.
They read only in the churches the canonical
Scriptures, with the respect due unto the word of
God ; to which they afterwards joined some hymns
composed by some men of great renown, and the
12 Remarks upon the
chap, sufferings of martyrs, whose examples were of use
to confirm the faith of the Church.
The people sang in their assemblies the Psalms
of David ; and this was the most ordinary exercise
of believers, when they met together before day,
and at other hours set apart for public acts of
piety.
They almost continually concluded the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper with feasts of charity, to comfort
the poor, and to entertain brotherly unity amongst
believers. At the breaking up of these feasts, they
gave alms, which were employed for the mainte-
nance of the poor, and the Clergy, who had no
other incomes, until that Constantine had embraced
the Christian religion.
They celebrated fasts that were very different as
to their duration : some ending after three of the
clock in the afternoon, some lasting the whole day;
but all of them consisted in a total abstinence from
meat and drink. Some of these fasts were kept
every week, on Wednesday and Friday; the Church
of Rome fasted also on Saturday. These days of
fasting having not been instituted by the authority
of the Apostles, according to the general consent of
ancient Christians, and every one using them with
great liberty.
The body of the Christian Churches continued
united together by the bond of one and the same
faith, and by the mutual care which every Bishop
took to keep up the same zeal for the purity of
manners, as for that of faith. If there happened
any difference, the Bishops and the Priest of the
same province assembled, and determined the mat-
ter, without any appeal : and it was not till the
midst of the fourth century, when the dioceses
were better formed, that the Council of Sardica
granted to Pope Julius, Bishop of Rome, the privi-
lege of examining afresh all causes that had been
determined in the provincial synods ; which how-
ancient Church qfPiedmomt. 13
ever never took full effect, all the Greeks, arid a chap.
great part of the Latins having rejected that Canon. '
The Bishops of Rome endeavoured to attribute and
preserve to themselves this authority, though they
could never bring it about, but by means of the
favour of the Emperors Gratian at the end of the
fourth age, and of Valentinian the Third in the midst
of the fifth age.
This was the general state of the Church, whilst
under the heathen persecutions, and after having
endured the furies of Arianism, which almost wholly
laid her waste, during the fourth century. On which
occasion I desire the reader to observe,
First, That the most part of the human consti-
tutions I have mentioned were not observed with
that rigour, with which Rome imposeth them at
present.
Secondly, That some part of those Church-orders
have been changed and abolished in process of
time.
Thirdly, That a considerable part of these cus-
toms, unknown to Scripture, had their rise from a
design the Christians had of accommodating them-
selves to the notions of the Jews and heathens.
Fourthly, That the opinions amongst the ancient
Christians upon many questions of divinity being
very different, they made use of great forbearance
one with another, as long as they did but agree in
matters of faith.
Fifthly, That although they received not men ex-
communicated for scandalous manners in another
diocese ; notwithstanding the excommunications of
one diocese did not hinder, but that those who could
prove the injustice thereof might communicate with
those whom the Bishops of another diocese had
excommunicated.
Sixthly, That every diocese was looked upon as
being independent of all other authority: so that
14 Remarks upon the
chap, what respect soever they might have for the apo-
IL stolical Churches, yet did not they think themselves
obliged to follow them, in case they were persuaded
that they had violated the purity of the faith.
And now having made these general observations,
which are to be applied to the state of the diocese
of Italy in particular, we shall proceed to what far-
ther information we can get from those authors
who have wrote and lived in this diocese.
CHAP. III.
Opinions of authors of the diocese of Italy, in the
fourth century, concerning matters of faith and
worship.
FORASMUCH as the Doctors of the Roman
Church generally acknowledge, that the Church of
this diocese continued pure until the fourth century,
and that it enjoyed the communion of the Pope of
Rome ; it will not be needful particularly to examine,
what was the faith of that diocese about the articles
which the Church of Rome rejects or receives in
common with Protestants : our business, to speak
properly, being only to inquire concerning those ar-
ticles and ways of worship, which the Church of
Rome considers as making a part of their religion,
and which the Protestants reject, as being more
proper to corrupt, than perfect it. If it be then
certain and evident, that the believers of that dio-
cese were either altogether ignorant of, or formally
rejected those articles of faith, and that worship,
which the Church of Rome prescribes to its people,
and which she imposeth on the rest of the world
under pain of damnation ; it will most evidently
ancient Church of Piedmont. 15 *'-'
appear by this, that these believers were not of the chap.
Romish religion, but that, in respect of their faith '__
and worship, they were true Protestants.
And of this it is easy to convince an unprejudiced
reader, by examining, century after century, the
writings of the ecclesiastical authors of that dio-
cese. I begin with St. Ambrose, who died anno
397, after having possessed the see of Milan twenty-
three years. This great man (whose elogy is set
down by Cassiodore in three words, when he calls
him virtutum Episcopum, arcem Jidei, orator em ca-
tholicum; " the Bishop of virtues, the castle of faith,
" the catholic orator") can inform us, whether or no
his diocese embraced those maxims which the Pro-
testants, in conformity with the Waldenses, do con-
demn in the Church of Rome.
If we desire to know what he believed concerning
the fulness and sufficiency of the Scripture, he main-
tains, that there we are to learn that which makes
the object of our faith ; because therein the Father,
the Son, the Prophets, and the Apostles, satisfy and
answer the questions of believers. Lib. 1. de Fide,
ad Gratian. c. 4.
Would you know, according to what standard he
believed the versions of the Scripture ought to be
examined? He will answer you, that it must be by
the original. Lib. 2. de Spir. S. cap. 6. et de Incar-
nat. cap. 8.
If the Scripture seems any where obscure, what is
to be done in this case, according to his judgment?
We are to compare the several passages, et aperi-
etur, saith he, non ab alio, sed a Dei verbo ; " and it
" shall be opened to thee, not from another, but from
" the word of God," in Psalm cxviii. Serm. 8.
See here one of his maxims concerning what is
maintained at this day about the succession of the
Bishop of Rome to the rights of St. Peter : " Those "
" who have not the faith of Peter, neither can they
" pretend to the inheritance of Peter," lib. 1 . de P02-
16 Remarks upon the
chap. nit. c. 6. And indeed how could he have spoke
1IL otherwise, after the apostasy of Liberius to the he-
resy of the Arians? Neither do we find him ac-
knowledging any other rock of the Church besides
Jesus Christ, or other foundation of the Church but
the true faith ; for so he expresseth himself in Luc.
1. c. 9. & lib. 5. Epist. 32.
He considers the justification of a sinner as con-
v sisting in the remission of sins. De Jacob, et Vita
beata, lib. 1. c. 5, 6. and in other places.
He leaves no room for the merit of works, and
maintains, that all our glory consists in the remis-
sion of our offences. De Bono Mortis, c. 2.
He maintains, that the alone sufferings of Jesus
Christ are the means of our justification, without
any concurrence of our own good works : Ecce Ag-
nus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi, et ideo nemo glori-
eturin operibus, quia nemofactis suis justificabitur.
" Behold the Lamb of God, which takes away the
" sins of the world, and therefore let no man glory
" in his works, because no man shall be justified by
" his own doings." Epist. *J\. lib. 9.
Would you know, whether St. Ambrose did be-
lieve the seven sacraments, as does the Church of
Rome ? You need only call to mind, that St. Au-
gustin, who had been his disciple, owned only two,
viz. Baptism and the Supper of the Lord.
He took care to distinguish that which is visibly
done, from that which is invisibly celebrated : so far
was he from tying grace to the sacraments them-
selves, as the Church of Rome does. Epist. 84. et de
Spiritu Sancto, lib. 3. cap. 11.
Let any one judge, whether he did believe the
real presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, when
he wrote these words, in Luc. lib. 10. c. 24. Seek
those things which are on high, where Jesus Christ
is seated at the right hand of God P And lest we
should believe, that it is rather the duty of the eyes,
than of the soul, he here speaks of, he adds, " Sa-
ancient Church of Piedmont. If
" vour the things that are on high, and not those chap.
" that are on the earth." So then, it is not on the_
earth, nor in the earth, nor according to the flesh,
that we must seek him, if we would find him.
Lastly, Stephen did not look for Christ upon earth ;
Stephen touched him, because he sought him in
heaven. Jesus Christ is present, according to the
manner of our seeking him.
It is well known, that in his time the Church
communicated under two kinds: besides, he over-
throws the possibility of a body existing in more
places at once: he maintains, that the Gospel has
only the image, and not the truth ; and in several
places he explodes the carnal manducation, which
the Church of Rome admits of.
This makes it very evident, that he knew nothing
of the sacrifice of the Mass: indeed, he formally
opposes the same, and maintains, lib. 1. de Offic. c. 17
41. that since his passion, he offers up himself only
by way of representation, as being really and in
truth in heaven, where, as our advocate, he inter-
cedes for us.
If we read the death of St. Ambrose, related by
Paulinus in his Life, we shall find nothing there,
either of confession, or of adoration of the Eucharist,
when he received it, or of extreme unction practised
there, no more than at the death of a true Protest-
ant.
Would we know his thoughts concerning the re-
ligious worship of creatures ? He is the author of
this maxim, That we may not serve any creature ; a
foundation to prove that Jesus Christ is God, be-
cause the Scripture teaches us, that we ought to
worship him. De Fide, ad Graiian. lib. 1 . c. 7- And
it is with respect to the same that he proves, that
the Holy Ghost is God, because he has temples.
De Spir. Sancto, lib. 3. c. 13. As to the use of
images in religious worship, see how eloquently he
expresses himself, De Fuga Seculi, c. 5. " Holy Ra^
c
18 Remarks upon the
v chap. « chel hid the images, that is to say, the Church or
" wisdom, because the Church does not own the
" vain representations and figures of images." He
tells you, that Helen worshipped Jesus Christ, and
not the wood of his cross, which she had found ; for
that is a Pagan error, and a vanity of ungodly men.
Cone, de Obitu Theodosii. He maintains, that it is
pure Paganism to worship stones, and to implore the
assistance of images, that have no understanding.
Lib. 1 . de Offic. c. 26.
Do we suppose he attributed to ministers the
power of pardoning sins? We may undeceive our-
selves, by hearing him deliver himself like a Pro-
testant, thus : " Men afford their ministry for the
" remission of sins, but do not exercise the right of
" any power; they pray, but God pardons." L. 3. de
Spir. Sancto, c. 18. He asserts, that the ministry
may be in the hands of heretics, and this without
corrupting the faith of the people, the ears of the
people being more wise than the mouth of the
preachers ; as happened at the time when Arianism
seemed to prevail. In Psalm, cxviii. Serm. If-
18 He sets down for a certain maxim, that we are
bound to separate ourselves from a Church that re-
jects the faith, and does not possess the foundation
of the preaching of the Apostles. Lib. 6. in Lucam,
c.9.
We may see, that he was wholly estranged from
that maxim which the Papists have maintained
these last six hundred years, that the Church hath
the power of deposing a prince who is turned here-
tic ; for he maintains, that the Church has no other
arms but prayers and remonstrances, or at the most
excommunications.
t.4. b.p. I pass on to Philastrius Bishop of Brescia, con-
temporary with St. Ambrose, from whose writings
we may gather these following particulars. He did
not believe that the Church of Rome could author-
ize the Canon of Scripture, as the Gloss maintains ;
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 9
for he asserts, that the Apostles and their successors chap.
determined the number of the canonical books,which '
only ought to be read in the Church. Hcer. 40.
It is plain, he did not believe the Church of
Rome to be exempt from error, if he minded what
he said; because, Hares. 41. he rejects as heretical
the opinion of those who held the Epistle to the
Hebrews to have been writ by Barnabas, by Cle-
mens Romanus, or by St. Luke, which had given
occasion to make the authority thereof suspected
and doubtful in the Roman Church, which rejected
the same. As we may see by the testimony of St.
Jerome.
He did not believe, that it belonged only to the
Church of Rome to condemn heresies, which power
she arrogates to herself at this day; because he ob-
serves, concerning several heresies, that the par-
ticular Bishops or councils of the diocese, where the
heresy first appeared, had right to condemn them.
So little did he think, that it was the right of the
Church of Rome only to canonize the versions of
Scripture by her authority, that he fixeth the brand
of heresy upon the opinion of those who did not re-
ceive the version of the Septuagint ; whereas it was
the only version the Church admitted of in his time.
Hares. 89, 90. One may see by this, whether he 19
was like to have rejected the same upon the Pope's
determination.
We cannot find that he believed transubstanti-
ation ; for giving an account of the heresy of the
Artotyrites, who celebrated the Eucharist with
bread and cheese, he doth not, to condemn them,
make use of the reasons which a transubstantiator
might have alleged. Hares. 27. And we ought to
make the same reflection on the 30th heresy of the
Aquarii, who celebrated the Eucharist with water
only, which at least they might defend by way of
concomitance; but might, on the other hand, be
more strongly attacked, by the idolatry which would
c 2
20 Remarks upon the
chap, have been committed by adoring the water in the
Sacrament.
He would never have employed, in defence of the
real presence, the Acts of St. Andrew, which they
nowadays object to us, to establish the carnal pre-
sence of Jesus Christ ; forasmuch as he maintains,
Hares. 40. that those Acts had been feigned by the
Ma^ichees.
We find not, when he speaks of Aetius, Hares.
25. that he looked upon his opinion against prayers
for the dead to be an heresy.
It is evident he did not approve of the principles
of idol-worshippers, because he calls their opinion
an heresy, who thought that man was the image of
God, according to his body, and not according to his
soul. Hares. 49.
It appears from Hares. 53. that he did not admit
of the Romish divinity concerning the punishments,
properly so called, which God, say they, makes his
children to suffer during the course of this life.
He lays it down for a rule, Hares. 60, 6l. that the
Christian faith is more ancient than the Jewish;
which can no longer now be maintained, since the
Church of Rome has been pleased to add so many
articles to the Creed, and introduced into its worship
so many practices contrary to the law of God.
He declares expressly, that the sacrifice of the
Church is a sacrifice of bread in mysterium Christi,
to be a mystery of Jesus Christ. Hares. 96.
20 He was so sensible, with the Protestants, that the
children of believers have a right to the covenant,
that he maintains, Hares. 69. that formerly the pa-
triarchs, judges, and other believers, were sanctified
in their mothers belly. A doctrine which has so
extremely disgusted the Romish censors, that they
thought fit to guard the margin with a Caute lege.
He asserts, Hares. 74. that he who called upon
the Father, before Christ's coming in the flesh, was
thereby freed from the condemnation of the wicked ;
ancient Church of Piedmont. 21
which does not seem to agree very well with the chap.
Popish doctrine of a Limbus Patrum; or else it n *
must be owned, that the Limbus must take place as
well under the New Testament, as under the Old :
because he makes use of the words of Jesus Christ,
or, at least, makes a plain allusion to them.
He overthrows the doctrine of merit, in main-
taining, Hares. 77. that it is by the sole mercy of
Jesus Christ we are saved, non virtute et justitia
condigna, " not by any condign virtue and righteous-
" ness of our own."
It does not appear that he owned a Purgatory,
such as the Romanists do, because, Hares. J3. he
saith, that the soul of man, whether good or bad,
whether godly or ungodly, is conducted by an angel
to its appointed place, there to receive according to
what he has done in this life. It is evident from
the Epistle of St. Gaudentius to Benevolus, that he
believed a fire, through which the most righteous,
even the Apostles and blessed Virgin herself, were
to pass, at the end of the world : which opinion has
been since rejected in the west.
It appears from Hares. 97. that the number of
fasts was very small in his time ; he takes notice
only of four, that of Christmas, Epiphany, Easter,
and Whitsuntide, besides that of Lent ; the rest were
left to the devotion of believers : and there is« great
probability, that these fasts were only observed on
the eves before the Communion.
True it is, that he speaks of a local descent of the
soul of our Saviour Jesus Christ into hell, Hares. 22.
but in Hares. 73. he terms their opinion an heresy,
who maintain, that after his death he descended into 21
hell, and preached the Gospel, that the souls there
receiving the same might be saved : which was the
opinion of most of the ancients, both before and
after him. Whence we may judge, whether this ar-
ticle, about which so much pains has been taken to
c 3
22 Remarks upon the
chap, explain it in a good sense, was a doctrine which the
JIL Apostles had left in the Church ; or whether it was
not drawn from some passages of Scripture, ill un-
derstood in the second century, as we assert, because
the Fathers did not at all times, in all places, and
with all agree therein ; which is the character of a
doctrine truly catholic, according to the famous
maxim of Vincentius Lirinensis.
And forasmuch as St. Gaudentius succeeded Phi-
lastrius, whom he calls a most apostolical man, it is
no wonder to find him so closely following his steps;
for we find him every where of the same opinion
with St. Gaudentius in the points he treats of, as I
have already made it appear from his Epistle to Be-
nevolus ; for, writing to him a consolatory letter,
upon occasion of his sickness, he treats the matter
altogether like a Protestant, without mingling any
Popish notions therewith, such as are the consider-
ing of the afflictions of believers as punishments and
satisfactions God exacts from them as a judge ; as
may be seen in that Epistle. It is true, that amongst
other things he observes, that they serve also to
lessen the force of the purgative fire of the last
judgment. But I have shewed what he meant by
that ; and the same is acknowledged by the learned
of the Roman Church. He lays down two things
in the same Epistle ; the one is, that the bosom
of Abraham signifies eternal life, which does no
service to the Popish polemical writers ; the other
is, that neither angels nor men know the secrets of
conscience, that being the privilege of God only;
which maxim wholly overthrows the invocation of
angels, as well as the authority the priests arrogate
to themselves of pardoning sins, as judges. But we
will pass on to his Sermons, and instance in some
other of his opinions.
He tells us plainly in his first sermon, that we
shall not eat the true manna, which is Jesus Christ,
ancient Church of Piedmont 23
till after the resurrection in heaven, where we shall c"^p
drink of the Rock, which is Jesus Christ, cleaving L
to the feet of that immaculate Lamb. Is this the 22
language of a man that believes the carnal presence?
The whole of his second sermon is spent in ex-
plaining the doctrine of the Eucharist, where at the
first he lays down, that the figure is not the truth,
but an imitation of it. He saith, Jesus Christ
has suffered death for all men, and that he feeds
them in all the Churches: but how? In mysterio
panis et vini reficit immolatus, vivificat creditus ;
" He refresheth, being offered up in the mystery of
4t bread and wine ; and quickens, being believed
" on :" so that he is only offered up in figure, and
not truly, and only quickens those that believe his
word. And he explains himself, by declaring, that
the doctrine of Jesus Christ is the flesh of that im-
maculate Lamb, the whole body of the Scriptures
containing the Son of God. He explains that
phrase, to receive the body of the Son of God, by
receiving with the mouth the mystery of the body
and blood of the Lord. He maintains, that it was
of the consecrated bread that Jesus Christ said,
This is my body ; which, according to the doctors of
Rome, overthrows transubstantiation. Lastly, he
maintains, that Jesus Christ made choice of the
bread and wine, to make them the sacraments of
his body and blood, that there might be no blood
in this new sacrifice, and to figure the body of the
Church, which is composed of many believers, as
the bread is made up of many grains. Can any
thing be said more contrary to the maxims of the
* Church of Rome ?
In his third sermon he asserts, that the Church
resembles the moon, which increases in times of
peace, and decreaseth in times of persecution*; that
she decreaseth with respect to her fulness, but not
with respect to her brightness. He seems after her
c 4
24 Remarks upon the
fulness, to which she was arriv
wane and decrease, which he had
of, during the reign of Arianism.
chap, fulness, to which she was arrived, to foresee her
ITT •
wane and decrease, which he had already had a view
23 CHAP. IV.
Concerning the faith of the Churches of the diocese
of Italy during the fifth century.
ONE of the most illustrious witnesses we have of
the belief of the Churches of Italy, at the beginning
of the fifth age, is Rufinus, Presbyter of Aquileia.
As for the rule of faith, which is the Scripture,
Rufinus sets down a catalogue of the books of holy
Writ, the same that is at present received by the
Protestants, calling the books that we reject apocry-
phal, apudCyr. p. 552 and 553. which is an evident
mark, that the Church of Italy made a more accu-
rate distinction of the canonical books from the
apocryphal, than the Church of Rome at that* time
did. So that Rufinus, in this respect, knew more
than Innocent I. who began to confound the canon-
ical writings, by a mixture of the apocryphal.
As for the Creed, which is an abridgment of the
articles of our belief, we cannot meet with a more
orthodox explication of it than is that of Rufinus ;
and would to God the Church of Rome would
keep to that, for then we should be soon agreed ; at
least, in so doing she would not propose any thing
to Christians which was not owned for the Creed of
the ancient Church ; whereas since she has added
new articles, altogether unknown to Rufinus and
the Bishops of that diocese. In a word, we may
say, it is most certain, that there is as much dif-
ference between this treatise of Rufinus and the
Catechism of the Council of Trent, as there is be-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 25
tween the Catechism of the Protestants and that of chap.
the Papists. _
I own, that Ruflnus, in this explication of the
Creed, asserts a local descent of Jesus Christ into hell :
but we are to observe, that though already in his
time this was looked upon as an article of faith ;
yet the Fathers, as well those that went before, as 24
those that followed after, had such different notions
concerning it, that the Church of Rome, which at
this day follows one of those opinions, but had not
that article in her Symbol in Rufinus's time, can
scarcely draw any advantage from thence, except
only against those who hold, that this article is
only an allegorical explication of the article, He was
buried.
But, however, we may observe, that Rufinus ex- P. 53. 8.
pressly notes, at the beginning of this his exposition
of the Creed, that believers received the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper with an extraordinary respect,
maxima cum observantia, but not worshipping it, as
the Church of Rome does at this day.
Though we have no remains of St. Chromatius,
Bishop of Aquileia, save only some commentaries
and homilies ; yet from thence we are sufficiently
informed, how far his divinity differed from that
which is now professed by the Church of Rome.
He plainly asserts the perspicuity of the Scriptures,
when he accuses the heretics and Jews of darkening
it by their perverse explications. Serm. 2. p. 162.
Accordingly he also maintains, that the Lord's
Prayer contains all things necessary to salvation,
p. 175. which is not very agreeable to the palate of
the doctors of Rome, who furnish us with a far
greater number. He asserts, that the prison from
whence there is no coming out until the last farthing
be paid, is hell, which does not at all suit with
Popish purgatory, 166. Conformably to this, he
lays down, that the afflictions which happen to the
faithful, are either to correct their defects, or to try
26 Remarks upon the
chap, their faith, or to prepare them for glory; not a
! word concerning the use the Roman Church puts
them to, viz. for the expiation of sin, and for a sa-
tisfaction properly so called. He acknowledges in-
deed, that the Christian Church is typified by a city
situated upon a mountain ; but we do not find him
concluding from thence its equal visibility, no more
than St. Ambrose. We are not to forget here, that
St. Chromatius had so little deference for the au-
thority of the Church of Rome, that Rufinus having
been condemned by Pope Anastasius, because he
seemed to favour the Origenists, St. Chromatius
25 took no notice of this proceeding, but received him
to his communion, as before; an abundant testi-
mony that the thunderbolts of Rome, at that time,
reached no further than the ten provinces in sub-
jection to the Pope, St. Chromatius' s bishopric be-
ing without them, and consequently, that he did not
own the Pope for the head of the Church, out of
whose communion salvation was not to be hoped
for.
He plainly asserts, that marriage is so wholly dis-
solved by adultery, that it is lawful for the innocent
party to marry again : which was the opinion of the
Romish Church till after the tenth century, p. 168.
A. B. He maintains it to be a piece of impiety, to
swear by any creatures ; which is not the faith of
Rome at this day, p. 169. A. He owns no other
union in the Church, but the unity of the Catholic
faith, ibid. p. 158. We find, by all his expressions,
that the carnal presence was unknown to him :
First, he proposeth Jesus Christ as the meat and
drink of the believer, that comes hungry to it.
Cone. 2. p. 157. Secondly, he holds, that a change
is made when ex eo quod fuit in aliam speciem ge-
nerator ; " out of that which was before, a thing of
" another kind is generated." Thirdly, he applies,
p. 174. our daily bread to the body of Jesus Christ,
but he considers it spiritually, which makes it ap-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 27
pear what notion he had of the manducation or eat- chap.
ing of it, and that the expression he useth of a cor- '__
pore Domini separari, signifies nothing else but the
exclusion from the Sacrament.
Moreover, if we find that he has been a guide of
the Waldenses towards truth, it will not be amiss
withal to observe, that he seems to have suggested
to them a wrong understanding of the Scripture.
For this great man maintains, that the Gospel ab-
solutely forbids swearing, p. 168. and the letter of
Scripture so far imposed upon him, that he pretends
we are obliged, according to the law of Jesus Christ,
to offer the other cheek to him that has already
struck us, p. 169, 170.
Niceas Bishop of Aquileia, who lived anno 420.
has a very remarkable expression in his book ad
Virginem laps am, which we find in the works of
St. Ambrose. " Stick close to the exercise of re- 26
" pentance, till the end of thy life, and never think
" of obtaining pardon ab humano die, because he
" who has made thee make this promise has deceiv-
" ed thee. As thou hast properly sinned against the
" Lord, so seek thy remedy only at his hands." It
is evident, that these words either are the expres-
sions of a downright Novati an, which we cannot sus-
pect him of, after the many testimonies we have
of his soundness in the faith, or that they represent
a very different notion from what has been enter-
tained at Rome, since their espousing the secret of
auricular confession, and the priestly power of par-
doning sins, as judges properly so called.
The remaining part of this century was terribly
agitated by the disputes raised upon occasion of
Nestorianism and Eutychianism, insomuch as the
Bishops were all divided, and the Council of Chal-
cedon was unable to appease their differences. The
diocese of Italy was at the same time ravaged by
the Huns. Attila rased Aquileia, destroyed Milan,
Pavia, and divers other places. Some years after,
28 Remarks upon the
chap. Odoacer invaded the said diocese ; and not long after,
lv' the Goths marched through it under the command
of Theodoric, so that scarcely was there any place
left for learned men to write, during the inundation
of these barbarous nations. Proceed we therefore
to the following century.
27 CHAP. V.
Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the
sixth century.
ONE of the first that can give us any information
herein is Laurentius, who was translated from the
bishopric of Novara to that of Milan, about the
year 507. We have three of his pieces, which he
preached upon his return to his see, after the de-
struction of Milan, and his own banishment.
The first is a sermon upon the Canaanitish wo-
man, his design therein being to administer comfort
to repenting sinners, and to assure them of the easi-
ness of God's mercy. Mabillon, who published them,
tells us as much. I shall set down some of his pro-
positions or doctrines which he borrowed from St.
Chrysostom.
I. He requires nothing as necessary for the re-
mission of sin, save only a lively compunction,
without so much as one word of the Priest's abso-
lution, p. 24. Sed dicis, Feci peccata mult a et mag-
na. Et quis est de hominibus qui non peccet P Tu
die ; Erravi super omnes homines, siifficit mihi in
sacrificio ista confessio. Die tu prius iniquitates
tuas, ut justificeris : cognosce quoniam peccator es;
habe tristitiam cum converteris ; esto ac si despe-
ratus et mwstus, sed et lachrymas compunctus ef-
funde. Numquid aliud aliquid J'uit in meretrice,
quam lachrymarum effusio? et ex hac prqfusione
ancient Church of Piedmont. 2$
invenit presidium, et accepta flducia accessit ad chap.
fontem Dominum Jesum. u But thou wilt say, T
" have committed many and great sins : and who is
" there amongst men that sinneth not ? Say thou, I
" have sinned beyond all men ; this confession is
" sufficient to me, for a sacrifice. Do thou first de-
" clare thy iniquities, that thou mayest be justified ;
" acknowledge thyself to be a sinner : be full of
" sorrow in this thy conversion ; yea, be grieved, and
" as without hope : moreover, pour forth tears of
" compunction. Do you find ought else in her that 28
" had been a common harlot, but shedding of tears?
" and by this her weeping she found help ; and hav-
" ing received confidence, she drew near to the
" fountain, our Lord Jesus."
He answers the unworthiness of sinners in these
words, p. 25. Et quomodo ausa est mulier legis
ignara, tarn iniqua, sic abrupte accedere ad fontem
salutis ? Non petiit Jacobum, non rogavit Johan-
nem, non accessit ad Petrum; sed hoc intermittens,
quid dicit P Noyi est mihi necessarius fidejussor :
suscipit in se poenitentia patrocinium, et sola curritf
tenet eum in voce ac dicit, Miserere mei Domine
jili David. Ideo descendisti, ideo carnem susce-
pisti, ut et ego loquar ad te et cum fiducia petamy
8$c. " But how durst a woman ignorant of the
(i law, and besides so wicked, so abruptly draw
" near to the fountain of salvation ? she did not en-
" treat James, nor ask John, neither came she to
" Peter [to speak for her.] But leaving all this,
" what saith she ? I have no need of a sponsor.
" And taking upon herself the patronage of her
" own repentance, she runs to him alone, stops him
" with her voice, and saith, Lord have mercy upon
" me, thou Son of David. Therefore it is that thou
" earnest down [to us,] therefore thou tookest flesh
" upon thee, that even I also might speak to thee,
" and with confidence ask of thee, &c." See here a
30 Remarks upon the
chap, very exact imitation of St. Chrysostom, after Nec-
y' tarius had taken away the use of penitentiary
Priests.
It is worth our taking notice how he speaks of
prayers without attention, p. 35. Sunt multi quidem
qui intrant in ecclesiam, et strepunt in oratione.j
confuse atque intemperata voce dispergunt verba
sua, et egressi foras obliti sunt omnia. Hi sunt
qui labiis hinniunt, et corde non concipiunt. Si tu
ipse dicta tua et preces ignoras; quomodo te exaudit
DeusP " There be many indeed that come into the
" church, and make a noise in prayer, scattering
" their words with a confused and rude bawling,
" who as soon as they are got abroad, quite forget
" all. These are they who neigh with their mouths,
" without conceiving in their hearts. If thou thy-
" self dost not know what thou sayest or prayest,
29" how shall God hear thee?*' From whence we may
easily judge how he would have approved of praying
in an unknown tongue, which necessarily destroys
attention.
As concerning the place where we ought to pray,
that we may be heard, he expresseth himself in this
manner, as if he had designed to furnish theWaldenses
with an answer, p. 36. Grandis sermo est, Miserere
mei Deus, brevis quidem sed virtute plenus. Nam
et si foris fueris, clama et die, Miserere mei Deus.
Clama, non voce, sed mente ; nam et tacentes exau-
dit Deus. Nee tarn locus quceritur, quantum sensus.
Hieremias in car cere confortatur; Daniel inter le-
ones exult at ; tres pueri infornace tripudiant; Job
nudus sub divo triumphal; Paradisum de cruce la-
tro invenit. Quid ergo si fueris in publico foro P
Ora intra te. Noli qucerere locum, locus ipse es,
ibi ubi fueris ora. Si fueris in balneo, ora, et ibi
templum est. " This is a great word, Lord have
" mercy upon me; short indeed, but full of virtue.
" For though thou art abroad, yet cry and say, Lord
ancient Church of Piedmont. 31
" have mercy upon me. Cry, not with thy voice, chap.
(( but with thy mind, for God hears even those that.
" are silent ; neither does he regard the place where,
" but our mind and attention in prayer. Jeremiah
" receives comfort in the dungeon ; Daniel rejoiceth
" in the lions' den ; the three young men leap in
" the midst of the fiery furnace ; Job, naked and
" destitute, triumphs in the open air ; the thief finds
" a Paradise upon the cross. What therefore, though
" thou art in the public market ? pray within thy-
" self; do not seek for another place, thou thyself
" art a place ; wheresoever therefore thou art, there
" pray. If thou be in the bath, pray there, for
" there also is the church." And p. 37. Nunquid
homo est Deus, ut labor e quceratur per loca diversa P
Deus est qui adest ubiqueP Si qu&ris hominem, di-
citur tibi non est hie, aut non illic vacat : non est
sic in causa Dei; hoc tantum est ut dicas, Miserere
mei Deus, et ipse prope est ut te liberet, et adhuc
loquente te dicit, Ecce adsum. " What! is God a
" man then that thou must take pains to seek him
" in several places ? It is God who is present every
" where. If indeed thou chancest to look for a
" man, thou art answered, He is not here, or he is
" not at leisure : but the case is not so with God.30
" Do thou only say, Lord have mercy upon me,
" and he is near thee to deliver thee, and whilst
" thou art yet speaking, saith to thee, Behold, here
" am I."
The second homily published in the Bibliotheca
Patrum, t. 3. utterly overthrows the pretended tri-
bunal of penance, p. Mox ut ascendisti de fonte,
vestitus es veste alba, et unctus es unguento mys-
tico ; facta est super te invocatio, et venit super te
trina virtus, quam vas novum hac nova perfudit
doctrina, exinde teipsum tibi statuit judicem et ar-
bitrum. " As soon as thou art come up from the
" fountain, thou art clothed with white raiment, and
" anointed with the mystical ointment : prayers
32 Remarks upon the
chap. " have been made over thee, and the threefold vir-
v> " tue is come upon thee; after that thy new vessel
" is once filled with this new doctrine, thencefor-
" ward he has constituted thee a judge and disposer
" for thyself."
In the third homily, which treats of alms, he
makes use of this expression ; In Jordane Christus
semel tinctus, sanctificavit aquas; in pauperibus
autem semper manet, et assidue abluit crimina lar-
gientium. " Christ being once dipped in the river
" Jordan, thereby sanctified the waters ; but he al-
" ways abides in the poor, and continually washeth
" away the sins of those that give to them." This
notion of the presence of Jesus Christ in the poor
sufficiently makes out the sense of the Fathers,
when they speak of the presence of Christ in the
Eucharist; especially if we join with it that ex-
pression of his second homily, p. 127. B. Asperges
me aqua Filii tui sacro sanguine mixta. " Thou
" wilt sprinkle me with the water mingled with the
" holy blood of thy Son."
The opinions of Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia, are
evident in several of his works; we shall instance
the following places.
We find in the Life of St. Epiphanius, Bishop
of Pavia, writ by Ennodius, a representation of the
manner how that Bishop did celebrate the Eucharist,
which makes it apparent how far he was from ador-
ing the Eucharist as his God. Junctis pedibus usque
31 ad consummationem mysiici operis stare se debere
constituit, ita ut humore vestigiorum locum suum
depingeret, et longe aspicientibus indicaret. " He
" had purposed with himself," saith he, " always to
" stand still, with his feet together, till he had h-
ie nished that mystical work, so that the moisture
" of his footsteps deciphered the place of his stand-
" ing, and might be seen by those who were at a
" considerable distance." It is but too visible here,
that St. Epiphanius and Ennodius knew nothing of
ancient Church of' Piedmont. 33
those prostrations which now are used before the chap
Sacrament ; because the one of them prescribed this L_
constant form to himself, in celebrating the Eucha-
rist ; and the other commends him for it, as a mark
of his piety.
At the end of the said Life, Ennodius gives us an
account of the death of St. Epiphanius, much like
that of a Protestant Bishop. He had only this, word
in his mouth, Mihi vivere Christus est, et mori lu-
crum; " To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain."
He was heard to repeat nothing but Psalms of con-
solation, such as the eighty-eighth Psalm ; and he
breathed his last in these words, In manus tuas, Do-
mine, commendo spiritum meum; " Into thy hands,
" O Lord, I commend my spirit ;" taken out of
Psalm xxx. He tells us in plain terms, that his soul
returned to heaven, ad sedem suam ccelestis anima
remeavit ; "■ his heavenly soul returned to its own
' place." All which serves to make out, that prayer
for the dead had not as yet the belief of purgatory
for its foundation, as it hath at this day.
And it was in the same mind that he composed
the epitaph of St. Victor, Bishop of Noarre, where
we read these verses :
Hie reddens tumulis cineres, ad celsa vocatus
Spiritus, cetherea congaudet lucidus arce.
" Having bequeath'd his dust to dust,
" His soul is calfd on high ;
" There bright and glorious, to partake
" Those joys which never die."
And forasmuch as we see that he in divers places 32
commends St. Ambrose and his successors for or-
thodox Bishops, I shall not trouble myself to quote
any more of his writings ; and the rather, because
the most part of his works were letters or poems,
relating rather to outward affairs than any matters
of religion.
D
34 Remarks upon the
chap. I know they are wont to cite a passage of Enno-
dius, to prove that the Pope cannot be judged by
any one but God. We find nothing more frequent
since J:he time of Gratian and the canonists, than
to quote these words of his Apology for Symmachus ;
Aliorum hominum causas Deus vohdt per homines
terminari, sed Romance sedis prcesulem, suo, sine
qucestione, reservavit arbitrio. " Other men's cases
u God was willing should be determined by men,
" but as for the Bishop of Rome, he has reserved
u his case for his own cognizance, without exposing
" it to a judicial trial." But they signify nothing
less, than what they seem to express thus separate
from the rest of the discourse. What Ennodius by
these terms would declare, is simply this; that Pope
Symmachus's adversaries, not having been able to
convince him of the horrible crimes whereof they
had accused him before king Theodoric, and after-
wards before the synod assembled by Theodoric,
for examining his accusation, his case had been re-
mitted to the judgment of God, as was customary,
when persons could not be convicted by the ordi-
nary course of judiciary proceedings. De Launoy
hath so solidly proved that this was Ennodius's
meaning, though of a long time it hath been dis-
guised, that there is no need to insist further upon
it. T.l.Epist.g.
Dacius, Bishop of Milan, has left so little in writ-
ing, that it may seem needless to speak of it; only
it may be to the purpose to observe the carriage of
Justinian towards him, who, finding him at Con-
stantinople, would make him (as well as the Pope's
referendary) subscribe the edict which he had pub-
lished : which shews that he looked upon himself
as the head of a diocese, which was as exempt and
separate from the Pope of Rome's jurisdiction, as
33 the dioceses of the Patriarchs of the East were.
Baronius ad annum 546. §. 46.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 35 '
In the year 590. the Bishops of Italy and of the chap.
Grisons, to the number of nine, rejected the Com-
munion of the Pope, as of an heretic, who had con-
sented to the abolishing of the Council of Chalce-
don, consenting under Justinian to the condemna-
tion of the three chapters, as may be seen from their
letter to the Emperor Mauritius, set down by Ba-
ronius, ad h. annum, n. 29. That Emperor having
ordered them to be present at the Council of Rome,
they were dispensed with by the same Emperor,
upon their protesting that they could not commu-
nicate with Pope Gregory the First. This schism
had already continued from the year 553, and lasted
near as long after ; so little were they persuaded at
that time of the Pope's infallibility, that to lose
communion with them was to lose the communion
of the Church, or that they held their ordinations
from the hand of the Popes, and from the Bishops,
subjected to their jurisdiction. Let us proceed now
to the belief of the following century.
CHAP. VI.
Opinions of the diocese of Italy during the
seventh century.
JL KNOW only of two or three authors that can
instruct us in this matter; the one is Maurus, Bishop
of Ravenna, who flourished in the midst of the
seventh century ; the other Mansuetus, Bishop of
Milan, who flourished towards the end of it, viz.
from the year 67?. Of the first of these we have
an Epistle against the Monothelites, which has been
inserted in the Council of Lateran, under Martin the
First, in the year 649. Act. 1. Of the second we 34
have an Epistle to the Emperor Constantine, set
down in the same Council. The union of them
d 2
36 Remarks upon the
chap, both with the Bishops of Rome, for the defence of
•' the faith against the Monothelites, is a strong as-
surance of their purity in the faith. Their opinions
are these that follow,
Maurus, who styles himself Servus servorum Dei,
precisely observes, that the Pope had invited him to
be present at Rome at the council, but as a Bishop
without his diocese ; for otherwise he might, as be-
ing one of his suffragans, by his authority have sum-
moned him thither. And indeed, instead of going to
Rome in person, he sent in his place Maurus, Bi-
shop of Cesena, with one of the Priests of Milan.
Ibid. p. 601. He declares that the only means of
preserving the purity of the faith is, to keep to the
doctrine of the Apostles, which the Fathers had
followed, with respect had to the fifth general Coun-
cil. The words he useth are these, T.6. Cone. p. 96*.
Unicum omnibus et singular e est Redemptoris
Dei, et Domini nostri Jesu Christi concessum re-
medium ad animarum nostrarum salutem, ut ea
qua per Apostolorum pradicationem percepimus, et
Patrum doctri?iam, proculdubio teneamus. " The
" only and particular remedy granted to all for the
" salvation of our souls, by God our Redeemer, and
" the Lord Jesus Christ, is, that, without all doubt,
" we hold fast the things we have received by the
" preaching of the Apostles, and the doctrine of the
" Fathers." He declares that he owns and admits
the five general Councils, and that he condemns that
which was held at Constantinople in favour of the
Monothelites, being supported by the credit of the
emperors.
Maximus, Bishop of Aquileia, expresseth the
same opinions ; and moreover expressly condemns
by name the Monothelite Bishops, Cyrus, Sergius,
Pyrrhus, and Paul, p. 97.
Mansuetus, in his Epistle to the Emperor Con-
stantine Pogonatus, declares, first, that it was Con-
stantine the Great who convened the Council of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 3/
Nice, which at this day is very stiffly contested by chap
the Church of Rome; that the Emperor Theodosius L_
called together the second Council of Constantinople; 35
and that the Emperor Marti an us did the same with
regard to the Council of Chalcedon, and Justinian to
the fifth general Council.
He declares, that the whole faith of his Church
is contained in the Apostles' Creed ; whereof the
confession of faith by him sent to the Emperor is
only an explication. Which makes it evident, that
the Church of Milan, and his diocese, under the
reigns of Pertharit and Cunibert, kings of the Lom-
bards, did not own any other doctrine to belong to
the faith and of necessary belief, save only what was
contained in the Apostles' Creed ; much less did his
Church own that heap of doctrines which Pius the
Fourth thought good of his own head to superadd
to it.
True it is that he praiseth the ancient doctors of
the Church, Leo I. St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Basil,
&c. Quicquid hi docuerunt, saith he, sapuerunt,
prcedicaverunt, vel defensores extiterimt, nos eorum
acta vel statuta omni devotione suscipimus. " What-
" soever they have taught, judged, preached, or de-
" fended, all that we receive with all devotion." Yet
however this is not so general as it seems to be, be-
cause his words have a particular reference to their
explications concerning the doctrine of the Trinity,
against the heresies of the fourth and fifth century,
which was the only matter in question then.
It is worth our while to take notice of the sin-
gular elogy he gives to St. Ambrose, whom he calls
Veneranda Corona Christi Confessor Ambrosius
Mediolanensis Ecclesia Pr&sul ; " The venerable
" Crown of Christ, Ambrosius the Confessor, Bishop
u of the Church of Milan." What I have here men-
tioned of Mansuetus is the more considerable, be-
cause it was done by him presiding in the synod of
his diocese.
d 3
38 Remarks upon the
chap. Lastly, We may observe that the deputies of
'. Mansuetus condemned Honorius, Bishop of Rome,
Act. 13. for being a Monothelite ; and the matter
at this time is no longer questioned, notwithstand-
ing Baronius, and some after him, have endeavoured
36 to make it pass for doubtful : whence it appears that
in Italy they held it for an inviolable maxim :
First, That the Pope was liable to become an
heretic.
Secondly, That none were to continue in com-
munion with him, save only so far as he continued
united to Jesus Christ, as a true believer; so far were
they from supposing themselves bound to cleave to
the Church of Rome, as they would continue in the
communion of our Lord Jesus Christ.
But though we have but few particular authors
that might inform us of the opinions and worship
that took place in that diocese ; yet have we some-
thing that seems more authentic, viz. the Liturgy
which bears the name of St. Ambrose. And for-
asmuch as this piece was made use of before this
century, and that since that time it has served for a
model of the devotion of that diocese, it will be of
some importance carefully to examine the same, and
the rather, because though I speak of it only in this
place, yet the observations drawn from thence may
and ought to be applied to the foregoing ages, as
well as those that follow after.
CHAP. VII.
Some Reflections upon the Liturgy of' this Diocese,
called the Ambrosian Liturgy.
vJNE of the most certain ways to be informed
concerning the faith of a Church, is to consult her
Liturgy. I am not ignorant that what Josephus
ancient Church of Piedmont- 39
Vicecomes tells us concerning the antiquity of the chap.
Ambrosian Liturgy, viz. that St. Barnabas was the L_
author of it, that it was afterwards augmented by 37
Merocles ; and lastly, having been revised by St.
Ambrose, it obtained the name of Ambrosian, is ab-
solutely false, and so ridiculous a conceit, that it is
wholly rejected by Cardinal Bona. Neither am I
ignorant that the miracle related by Durandus, Ra-
tional. Offic. 1. v. c. 2. as of the life of St. Eugenius,
concerning the Ambrosian Office, is just such an-
other story, which deserves no manner of credit,
notwithstanding that Ripomontius has endeavoured
to maintain it. But however we cannot deny the
truth of what follows.
First, That this Liturgy has the Psalms, and divers
other texts of Scripture of the ancient version called
the Italic.
Secondly, That Walafridus Strabo, who lived in
the midst of the ninth century, has cited this Li-
turgy under the name of the Liturgy of St. Ambrose.
Indeed it seems very probable, that as several cen-
turies before the ninth they had in divers dioceses
fixed a form of Divine service, to be observed in the
respective Churches of the same diocese ; whereas
before, viz. in the fourth and fifth century, every
Bishop had the liberty of prescribing the form him-
self; so that of Milan conformed to the same rule,
and the name of St. Ambrose was made use of by
posterity, as being so very famous, and because that
St. Ambrose had probably dictated several of the
Collects therein contained ; much in the same man-
ner, as in the east they have given the name of the
Liturgy of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom to the Litur-
gies which were made use of in the dioceses where
these great men once flourished.
It is true, we have not this Liturgy now, preserved
to us exactly as it was used in the primitive centu-
ries : it has been variously changed by the rashness
d 4
40 Remarks upon the
chap, of those who succeeded those primitive authors,
1 which has also happened to the greatest part of
these works ; as is acknowledged by Cardinal Bo-
na and Mabillon. It is likewise true, that since
the Popes have been sovereigns of the west, they
have, by themselves or by their creatures, brought
in a vast number of variations in the books of the
38 public Offices; which changes have been introduced
with more ease, since the Latin began to be looked
upon as a barbarous language.
We have an illustrious proof hereof in the Am-
brosian Office for Good Friday, where we find a
prayer for the consecrating of a cross, precedent to
its adoration. For it is certain that Pope Adrian
the First, who lived towards the end of the eighth
century, declares that the Church did not consecrate
any images ; this being a practice that was intro-
duced long after: and we find in the life of St. Lewis
a complaint of that prince concerning this subject ;
whence it appears that these prayers must needs
have been of a very late date.
We have another example hereof, which cannot
be disputed ; it is in the Canon, where we find at pre-
sent these words, pro quibus tibi qfferimus, vel qui
tibi offerunt : whereas those words pro quibus tibi
p. 301. qfferimus were foisted in in the thirteenth century, as
Hugo Menardus doth ingenuously acknowledge
upon the book of the Sacraments of St. Gregory.
This addition was made after that the doctrine of
the sacrifice of the mass was received ; and indeed
it was altogether necessary, since without it there
could be no oblation made by the Priest in that
pretended sacrifice, which was looked upon as a
capital inconvenience.
A third proof hereof we have in the feast of St.
Barnabas, who is accounted the first Bishop of
Milan, and to whom they attribute the cursing of
the heathen temple at Milan, whereupon a part
ancient Church, of Piedmont. 4 1
thereof fell down, and crushed several of the idol- chap.
aters under its ruins, which is a story drawn from VIL
legends of no ancient standing.
But after all it is easy to prove that this Liturgy
was not at first tainted with any of those errors,
wherewith it was filled in the following ages, and
in particular since the twelfth century, towards the
end of which the Popes took care to change or
abrogate all Liturgies whatsoever, that instead there-
of that of Rome might be introduced ; following
therein the spirit of Pope Adrian, who had begun
this work, being supported therein by the favour of39
the Emperor Charles the Great, who first introduced
this spirit of change.
First of all then I maintain that this Liturgy had
none of the Confiteor of the Priest, as we find it at
this day in the Roman missal, which Confiteor is at
this day made to the blessed Virgin, angels and saints,
as well as to God. Now it is certain that this cus-
tom is only of late ages : we have an undoubted
proof hereof in the Confiteor set down by Chrode-
gandus, Bishop of Metz, who lived in the time of
Pepin, father of Charles the Great. RegulcB Cano-
nicorum, cap. 18. Ad pr imam Clero congregato do-
nant confessiones, suas vicissim dicentes, Confiteor
Domino et tibi f rater quod peccavi. " At the first
" canonical hour the Clergy being assembled, they
" make their mutual confessions, saying, I confess
" to the Lord, and thee my brother, that I have
" sinned."
It is necessary to observe here,
1st, That this rule, for the most part of it, is bor-
rowed from that of St. Bennet, who lived in the
Pope's diocese.
2dly, That the same has been almost wholly
transcribed in the Acts of the Council of Aix la
Chapelle, in the year 81 6.
3dly, That these confessions to the Virgin, the
angels and saints, are not found in any of the
42 Remarks upon the
chap, ancient forms of confession, whereof we have a
V1L considerable number, which may be seen in the
notes of Hugo Menardus upon the book of the Sa-
crament of St. Gregory, p. 224. et seq.
Secondly, I maintain that there was nothing in this
Liturgy which implied any direct invocation of the
saints, but only it supposeth that they intercede for
the Church. We own, that since the fourth century
the Church has avowedly demanded several favours
of God by the intercession of saints ; but we do not
find that they prayed directly to them. It is true
there are several passages in this Liturgy, wherein
favours are begged of God per preces et merita
sanctorum, by the prayers and merits of the saints.
But the word merit, then, contains nothing that can
40 offend us, if we take it in the sense of the primitive
Church, as signifying nothing else but godliness.
There are a thousand passages that prove this in-
vincibly, as well in St. Ambrose, as in those authors
that have succeeded him : and in this Liturgy by
merit and to merit the Church did not pretend to
obtain by way of justice, but only to obtain in ge-
neral, as when we read in the Roman office, Ofelix
culpa, qucB tamtam meruit salutem! " O happy fault,
" which procured so great salvation !"
Thirdly, I maintain that we find therein no other
oblation of the bread and wine to God in the action
of the Sacrament, but the oblation of the bread and
wine to the Priest who officiated, which even to this
day is yet practised by some men and women at
Milan, according to the account given us thereof by
Cardinal Bona and Mabillon ; for otherwise this
was absolutely impossible, because the expression
of pro quibus offerimus, p. 301 . made use of by the
Priest to denote his action, was never put into the
Roman missal until the thirteenth century, as Me^
nardus, a learned Benedictine, doth own. Secondly,
Because this notion of offering the Sacrament for a
propitiatory sacrifice, is a thing even unknown to the
ancient Church of Piedmont, 43
most ancient of the Schoolmen, as our Divines have chap.
sufficiently proved from their silence on that question. [__
And certainly this is so strange a notion, that in con-
sequence of it we must hold, that Jesus Christ is
sacrificed and offered up to himself; for we find in
the prayers of St. Anselm, falsely attributed to St.
Ambrose, these expressions, which are very singular,
p. 175. TJt offer am tibi sacrificium quod ins tituisti9
et offerri pr&cepisti in commemoration em tui pro
salute nostra: suscipe vero istud, qu&so, summe
Deus, dilectissime Jesu Christe, pro Ecclesia tua
sancta. "That I may offer to thee the sacrifice thou
" hast instituted, and commanded to be offered in re-
" membrance of thee, for our salvation : receive it,
" most high God, dearest Jesus Christ, we beseech
" thee, for thy holy Church." It was necessary for
them to change their words, after they had changed
their opinion. It was only the belief of transub-
stantiation, that made way for the belief of a sacri-
fice properly so called, as the Church of Rome be-
lieves at this day. Now it is commonly enough 41
known, that the Romish Church has hatched that
article herself; and the history of this change is so
exactly set down, that it is needless to make any
stop at it.
Fourthly, This innovation can be demonstratively
proved, from this Ambrosian Liturgy alone. And not
to mention now, that it contained no office for the
Fridays in Lent, which shews, that at that time
they believed that the receiving of the Sacrament
was a breaking of the fast; upon which account
also they call it vitalia alimenta, " food of life,"
and wholly overthrows the notion of transubstanti-
ation.
We find there also this prayer for the Post-com-
munion, p. 310. Pignus vita ceterncB capientes, hu-
militer te, Domine, imploramus, ut apostolicis fulti
patrociniis, quod in imagine contigimus Sacramenti,
manifest a perceptione sumamus. " Having received
44 Remarks upon the
chap. " this pledge of eternal life, we humbly beseech
VIL " thee, O Lord, that being assisted with apostolical
" suffrages, what we have now touched in the image
u of the Sacrament, we may by manifest perception
" take and receive." This prayer is found in the
missal of Gelasius, and in other ancient missals.
Now, according to the observation of Ratramnus,
that which is a pledge and image, is so of another
thing different from itself.
We find there the Communion under both kinds,
p. 207. as well as the preservation of those , two
kinds, and their mixture, p. 304. in such a manner
as quite overthrows the notion of concomitance re-
ceived in the Church of Rome.
We meet there also with this prayer, Hanc obla-
tionem suscipias in sublimi altari tuo, per manus
angelorum tuorum, si cut suscipere di gnat us es ?nu-
nera pueri tuijusti Abel, &c. " Receive this offering
" on thy high altar, from the hands of thy angels,
" as thou wast pleased to receive the gifts of thy
" servant righteous Abel." p. 302, 303. Which
clauses have made the Schoolmen to sweat blood
and water, in endeavouring to reconcile them with
the notion of the real presence.
42 We find there also this prayer, which absolutely
decides the question, 2Eterne Deus, suppliciter im-
plorantes, ut Films tuus Jesus Christus, qui se in
Jine seculi suis promisit Jidelibus affuturum, et
prcesentia corporalis mysteriis, non deserat quos
redemit, et majestatis sua beneficiis non relinquat.
" Beseeching thee, O eternal God, that thy Son
" Jesus Christ, who has promised to be with be-
" lievers to the end of the world, may not forsake
" those he has redeemed, with respect of the mys-
" teries ; he may not deprive those whom he has
" redeemed, of the mysteries of his corporal pre-
" sence, nor leave them destitute of the blessings of
" his majesty." It seems evident, that these words,
" the mysteries of his bodily presence," signify
ancient Church of Piedmont. 45
plainly, that Jesus Christ is absent, with respect to chap.
his flesh, though his body be present in its image, '
which represents it to us.
It is commonly supposed, from the testimony of Lib. 5. de
the books of the Sacraments attributed to St. Am- jjacram- c-
brose, that the Ambrosian Liturgy had this clause:
Fac nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationabi-
lem, acceptabilem, quod est Jigura corporis et san-
guinis Domini nostri Jesu Christi. " Make this pf-
" fering to be imputed to us, reasonable and accept-
" able, which is a figure of the body and blood
" of our Lord Jesus Christ." And indeed, though
the word Jlgure be not found now in Pamelius's
edition of the Ambrosian Liturgy; nevertheless,
first, we find, that by a marginal note he refers
his reader to St. Ambrose himself, de Sacram. lib.
5. cap. 5. Secondly, Pamelius, in his 6oth title,
where he sets down the words of consecration, cites
the place of St. Ambrose with the word Jigura.
Thirdly, we find it so in the edition of St. Ambrose,
printed at Paris in the year 1529- The words are
these : Vis scire quia verbis ccelestibus consecratur,
accipe qua sunt verba. Dicit sacerdos, Fac nobis,
inquit, hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationabilem et
acceptabilem, quod est Jigura corporis et sanguinis
Domini nostri Jesu Christi. This passage has been
corrupted in other editions ; but Paschasius's quoting
of it in the year 835, in his treatise of the body and
blood of our Lord, confounds the authors of this
falsification. But to speak the truth, as I do not be-
lieve that these books of the Sacraments were writ 43
by St. Ambrose, though Mabillon assures us that
they have been found at St. Gal, under his name ;
so neither have I any certainty that this prayer was
taken out of the Office or Liturgy of St. Ambrose.
What passages I have already cited are sufficient to
shew, that the carnal presence was not then believed
by the diocese of Italy. They who are willing to
examine the said Liturgy will find many other pas-
46 Remarks upon the
chap, sages in it, that do invincibly confirm the same
V1L truth.
By this we may judge what likelihood there is of
finding any thing in this Liturgy concerning the
adoration of the Host after consecration : indeed,
we are so far from finding any such thing there, that
we meet with no hint thereof even in the ages after
Paschasius ; of which we can give a demonstrative
proof, viz. that whereas at this day use is made of
the adoration of the Host to prove the real presence,
none of those that disputed against Berengarius for
almost an hundred years together, did mention one
word of that proof, which should clearly make out,
that Berengarius and Scotus were innovators, by op-
posing themselves to a belief, which served for a
foundation to establish a worship, which the Church
had publicly owned and practised.
I say nothing here concerning that clause made
use of in the Ambrosian Liturgy, wherein they pray
for the dead, that " sleep the sleep of peace." Thus
much is evident, that that prayer is as contrary to
the notion of purgatory, as those we find in the
Roman Liturgy; as our authors, and Blondel in par-
ticular, have shewed. The prayer for the dead, p.
298. which that Liturgy contains, was founded upon
other principles than those which the doctors of
Rome at this day admit of; as hath been made out
from the confessions of the learned men of that
communion themselves. The substance of these
prayers is, that Jidelibus vita mutatur, non tollitur,
et in timoris Dei observatione defunctis domicilium
perpetua foelicitatis acqidritur. "As to believers,
" their life [by death] is only changed, not taken
" away, and that the deceased, who have lived in
44 " the observance of the fear of God, do acquire a
" mansion of perpetual felicity." as we find the
words in the prayer for many souls, p. 451. Not
to insist now, that in the next following prayer the
bosom of Abraham is taken for the state of glory;
ancient Chiwch of Piedmont. 47
which the Church of Rome contradicts and rejects chap.
VII
at present.
I own, that in the Ambrosian Liturgy, p. 341. we
find the anointing of the sick and possessed persons
mentioned, but only with reference to the obtaining
the remission of their sins, and their cure ; which
cannot be the Roman unction. We find there this
clause: Concede infusione Sancti Spiritus, olim tibi
placitam, prasentis olei conjirmes, nobilitesque sub-
st ant iam, ut qalcquid ex eo in humano genere factum
fuerit, ad naturam transeat mox supernam. " Grant .
" by the infusion of the Holy Spirit, so to strengthen
" and enrich the substance of this present oil, for-
" merly accepted of by thee, that whosoever of the
" race of mankind shall therewith be touched, may
" immediately be exalted to the nature that is from
" on high."
What we meet with there likewise concerning the
consecration of the chrism used in Confirmation,
contains nothing that can give us much trouble.
We acknowledge that it is a ceremony which has
been practised since the fourth century, as an ap-
pendix to Baptism ; neither do we look upon that
ceremony as blameworthy, but only so far as the
Church of Rome has pretended to make a sacra-
ment of it, properly so called, and thereby to make
a ceremony, introduced by men, equal to that which
was instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ himself.
And I have the same thing to say concerning the
benediction of the fire and the wax candles at Easter,
the benediction of the fonts, and some other cere-
monies we meet with there.
Moreover, we find there, as well as in the Roman
Liturgy, a prayer wherein remission of sins is begged
of God, calling him non (Estimator meriti, sed venice
donator; " not a regarder of merit, but a giver of
" pardon :" which expression one of the most famous
Schoolmen has looked upon as absolutely contrary
to the doctrine of merit, as it is held at present. So
48 Remarks upon the
chap, likewise, p. 298. we find these words, Iniquitates
' meas ne respexeris, sed sola tua miser ncordia mihi
45 prosit indigno; " Do not thou regard mine iniquities,
" but let thy alone mercy help me unworthy."
After all, we must continually remember, that
this piece comes from very suspected hands. Pa-
melius, who is the first that has printed it, confess-
eth himself to have cut off a great part of it, which
he pretends indeed to have done only to avoid repe-
tition : but it is well known, that these sort of works
must be very exactly inspected, to be well assured
of the force of the expressions therein contained,
and to be able to pass a certain judgment concerning
them. I return now to the method I have prescribed
to myself.
CHAP. VIII.
Opinions of the Churches of Italy during the
eighth century.
T.7.Con- WE may be informed concerning the state of
Cl1, p' 1002" these Churches, first by the Council of Forojulio,
wherein no other Creed is prescribed to the people,
but that of the Apostles, nor any other prayer, but
the Lord's Prayer; by which, in abstaining from
wicked works, men may certainly arrive at salvation.
Secondly, by their Bishops assisting at the Council
of Francfort, in the year 7£H- which was a synod of
the western Church. Paulinus, Bishop of Aquileia,
who was present there, wrote at the same time a
book against the doctrine of Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel,
and Elipandus, Bishop, of Toledo, who maintained
the opinions of Nestorius. It appears, that he wrote
this book by the order of Charles the Great, during
P. 315. the session of that council. He plainly asserts, in
ancient Church of Piedmont, 49
this writing, first, that the Bishops were convened chap.
there by the orders of Charles the Great ; he knew l
not that it belonged to the Pope alone to regulate
matters of faith, and assemble councils. Secondly, 46
that what he attributes to the Church, that she can-
not be overcome by heresies, which are the gates of
hell, has reference only to the universal Church, p. 316,319.
very far from attributing this privilege to the Popes,
as being the successors of St. Peter. Thirdly, that this
Council did not expect their authority from the
Pope's confirmation ; since they maintain, that Fce-
lix and Elipandus ought to be excommunicated
post plenaricE synodi judicium, " upon judgment
" passed by a full council."
I acknowledge, that he seems to give great defer-
ence to the authority of Pope Adrian, when he saith,
that the followers of Fcelix and Elipandus ought to
be excommunicated with their masters, Reservato
per omnia juris privilegio summi pontificis domini
et patris nostri, Adriani, prima sedis heatissimi
Papa; "The rightful privileges of the high priest
" our lord and father Adrian, the most blessed Pope
" of the principal see, being always reserved entire."
But it is plain, that he makes use of this condescen-
sion for no other reason, but because Charles the
Great had desired him to consult Pope Adrian upon
so important a question ; though indeed, the excom-
munication being already pronounced, this, after all,
could be nothing more than a ceremony, or at the
most a wise precaution, to hinder the Pope from en-
gaging himself with a bad party.
We have a certain proof hereof from the manner
how Paulinus and the Bishops of Italy did agree to
condemn the definitions of the second Council of
Nice, in the year 787* as idolatrous definitions, not-
withstanding that Pope Adrian had assisted at that
Council by his legates, and though he did his ut-
most endeavours to maintain them. All authors of
50 Remarks upon the
chap. the ninth century, and next following, do unani-
- L_ mously testify, that the Council of Francfort, where
Paulinus and his fellow-deputies of the diocese of
Italy were present, did condemn the second Council
of Nice, notwithstanding that Theophylact and
Stephen, the Pope's legates, assisted at it. We may
easily conceive from hence what was the judgment
of the Bishops of Italy, with reference to the Pope,
47 and those that joined with him : if they held any
communion with the Pope, they did it only with
design to bring him back again to the truth ; so that
they acted conformably to the opinion of the Bi-
shops of France, which is expressed by Jonas, Bishop
of Orleans, upon the same occasion, lib. 1. p. 539.
and 540. notwithstanding Jonas pronounceth ana-
thema against those that worship images.
I shall say nothing concerning the exhortation
which St. Paulinus addresseth to the Bishops, to-
wards the end of his book, that they would pray to
God, by the intercession of the holy Virgin and St.
Peter, the first pastor of the Church, and of all
saints, and by the suffrages of the Council, to defend
the Emperor; for we find, after all, that this is only
a wish founded on this supposal, that saints, after
death, may pray for the welfare of the living;
which seems probable enough.
We find also what was the doctrine of Paulinus,
Bishop of Aquileia, in the book he wrote against
Foelix, Bishop of Urgel, at the request of Charles
the Great. See how he expresseth himself concern-
ing the Eucharist, in his dedication to Charles the
Great, p. 1766, &c. initio. He affirms, that the Eu-
charist consists of bread ; he calls it, buccella et par-
ticula panis, " a morsel and bit of bread :" he main-
tains, that it is either death or life in the mouth of
him that eats it, according as he hath or hath not
faith: than which nothing could be spoke more
clear, to prove that the Eucharist is nothing but
ancient Church of Piedmont. 51
bread and substance, and that faith or incredulity chap.
makes all the difference that is found amongst com- Z_
municants.
He refers and applies the character of priest, ac-
cording to the order of Melchizedeck, to the incar-
nation and cross of Jesus Christ, and not to the sa-
crifice of the Mass. He thunders out anathemas
against all human satisfactions ; maintaining, that
the blood of none of those that have been redeemed
themselves is capable to blot out the least sin, and
that that is the privilege of our Saviour Jesus Christ
alone, p. 1792.
He lays it down as a rule, that the human nature 48
in Christ is so circumscribed, as to be only in one
place, p. 1833. Natura namque altera, hoc est homi-
nis, erat in terra tantummodo ; altera ubique in ccelo
et in terra, hoc est divina. Potuit ergo, quod duo
erant, divinum sc. et humanum, aliud in ccelo et
ubique esse, et aliud in terra solummodo. Non ta-
men potuit ille qui unus erat, Filius videlicet Dei et
hominis, non totus ubique esse, in ccelo pariter et in
terra. Ubique sane totus quia unus est et omnipo-
tens Deus; unus idemque omnipotentis Dei, et ho-
minis Filius. Humana namque natura non descendit,
necfuit ibi priusquam, in Deum assumpta, ascend-
eret corporaliter in ccelum. Filius autem, hominis
quia unus idemque ipse est Filius Dei, et de coslo de-
scendit, unde nunquam discesserat, et in coelo erat,
cum loqueretur in terra; et in terram venit ubi erat,
et in caelum ascensurus erat per id quod homo est,
et ibi ascendit ubi erat prius, per id quod Deus est.
Domini namque sunt verba dicentis, Nemo ascendit
in ccelum, nisi qui descendit de coelo, Filius hominis
qui est in ccelo. " One of his natures, the human, was
" only upon earth : the other, that is, the Divine
" nature, was every where, both in heaven and on
" earth : wherefore, because these wrere two natures,
" viz. the Divine and human, the one of them could
" be in heaven, and every where, and the other only
E 2
52 Remarks upon the
chap. « on earth. Yet notwithstanding, he who was the
" only Son both of God and man, could not but be
" wholly every where, both in heaven and on earth ;
" whole every where, because he is the one and om-
" nipotent God ; one and God Almighty, and the
" one Son of Almighty God and man. For the hu-
" man nature did not come down from heaven, nei-
" ther was it there, till being taken up to God, it
" ascended corporally into heaven. And because
" the Son of man is one and the same with the Son
" of God, therefore he came down from heaven,
" from whence he never departed, and was in hea-
" ven while he spoke here upon earth ; and he came
" down to the earth, where he was before, and was
" to ascend into heaven, as he was man, and as he
u was God, he ascended where he was before ; for
" they are the words of our Lord, No man ascends
4<) " up into heaven, but he that came down from hea-
" ven, even the Son of man, who is in heaven."
Which is the same opinion we find expressed in
the Council of Forojulio, in the year 791* in which
Paulinus Bishop of Aquileia presided. T. J. Cone.
p. 1001.
He asserts, that in celebrating the Eucharist we
feed upon the Divine nature of Jesus Christ, which
cannot be said, but only with respect to believ-
ers, and must be understood metaphorically; which
plainly shews what his belief was concerning the oral
manducation of the body of Jesus Christ, p. 183o\
Vel qua ratione si adoptivus Jilius est, qui non
manducat carnem Filii hominis, et non Mbit ejus
sanguinem, non habet vitam aternam? Qui man-
ducat, inquit, meam carnem, et bibit meum sangui-
nem, habet vitam cEternam, et ego resuscitabo eum in
novissimo die. Caro mea vere est cibus, et sanguis
mens vere est potus. Resuscitandi in novissimo die
potestas nulli alio nisi vero permanet Deo. Caro
namque et sanguis ad humanam, per quam Filius
hominis est, non ad Divinam referri potest naturam.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 53
Et tamen si ille Filius hominis cui hcec caro et san- chap.
guis est, pro eo quod unus idemque sit Dei et homi- 1
nis Filius, si Deus verus non esset, caro ejus et san-
guis manducantibus et bibentihus se, nullo modo
vitam prcestaret ceternam. Unde et Johannes Evan-
gelista ait, Et sanguis Filii ejus lavat nos ab omni
peccato. Aut cujus caro et sanguis dat vitam man-
ducantibus et bibentibus se, nisi Filii hominis, quern
Deus signavit Pater, qui est verus et omnipotens
Filius Dei ? Nam et panis vivuspro nobis descendit
de ccelo, qui dot vitam mundo; quique ex eo man-
ducaverit non moritur in aternum: ipse enim dicit,
Ego sum panis vivus, qui de coelo descendi. Sic
quippe descendit panis vivus de coelo, qui semper
manebat in coelo, sicut Filius hominis descendit de
coelo, qui quoniam unus idemque erat Filius Dei,
nunquam deseruit coelum. "Or how, if he be an
" adopted son only, is it said, that he who doth
" not eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his
u blood, hath not eternal life ? He that eats, saith
" he, my flesh, and drinks my blood, hath eternal
" life, and I will raise him up at the last day. My
* flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink iti-
" deed. The power of raising up at the last day
c< belongs to none, but the true God ; for the flesh
" and blood cannot be referred to his Divine, but to 50
" his human nature, by which he is the Son of man:
" and yet, if that Son of man, whose this flesh and
a blood is, (for that one and the same person is both
" the Son of God and the Son of man,) were not
w true God, his flesh and blood could not procure
" eternal life to those that eat them. And therefore
" John the Evangelist saith, And the blood of his
" Son cleanseth us from all sin. Or, whose flesh and
" blood gives life to those that eat and drink them,
" but the Son of man s, whom God the Father hath
" sealed, who is the true and Almighty Son of God ;
" for He, the bread of life, is come down from hea-
" ven for us, who gives life unto the world, and who-
E3
54 Remarks upon the
chap. « soever eats thereof shall live for ever: for he him-
_____" self saith, I am the bread of life that came down
" from heaven : for this bread of life came down
" from heaven, which also always stayed in heaven,
" in the same manner as the Son of man came down
" from heaven, who, because he is also the Son of
" God, never left heaven."
We cannot meet with a more orthodox explication
of the office of Mediator and Advocate, than that is
which he sets down, or a greater precaution than he
gives us, not to look upon the saints as mediators,
p. 1790. Mediator igitur ab eo, quod medius sit intra
utrasque dissidentium partes, et reconciliet ambos in
unum, &c. Denique non Paulus mediator, sed le-
gatus jidelis Mediatoris; Legatiohem, inquit, fun-
gimur pro Christo, reconciliamini Deo. Advocatus
namque est, qui jam pro reconciliatis interpellat,
quemadmodum idem Redemptor noster facit, cum
humanam Deo Patri, in unitate Dei, hominisque
persona, naturam ostendit. Hoc est enim Deum Pa-
trem pro nobis interpellare. Joannes non interpel-
lare, sed ipsum etiam esse propitiationem pro pec-
catis nostris declarat. " Wherefore he is called the
" Mediator, because he is a middle person between
u both the disagreeing parties, and reconciles them
" together in one," &c. " Lastly, Paul is not a medi-
" ator, but a faithful ambassador of the Mediator.
" We are ambassadors for Christ, and the sum of
" our embassy is, Be ye reconciled to God. An ad-
u vocate is one that intercedes for those that are al-
51" ready reconciled, even as our Redeemer doth, when
" he shews his human nature to God the Father,
" in the unity of his Person, who is God-man ; for
" this is truly to intercede with God the Father for
" us. John doth not say, that he intercedes for us,
" but declares him to be a propitiation for our sins."
He clearly shews in the same place, p. 1792. that
he did not look upon the saints as redeemers, but
Jesus Christ alone, according to the signification of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 55
his name; since none of them, who have been re- chap.
deemed themselves, are able to blot out sin. Etenim L
omnipotentis Dei Filius, omnipotens Dominus noster,
quia pretio sanguinis sui nos redemit,jure Redemp-
tor, verus omnium redemptorum vocibus prcedicatur.
Non, inquam, ille redemptus, quia nunquam cap-
tivus; nos vero redempti, quiajuimus captivi, venun-
dati sub peccato, obligati nimirum in eo chirographo
decreti, quod ipse tulit de medio, delens sanguine
suo, quod nullius alius redemptorum delere potuit
sanguis, adfixit illud,palam triumphans in semetipso.
" For the Son of the Almighty God, our Almighty
" Lord, because he has redeemed us with the price
K of his blood, is justly called the true Redeemer,
" by all that are redeemed by him. He, I say, was
" not redeemed, because he was never captive ; but
" we are redeemed, who were captives, sold under
" sin, and bound by the hand-writing that was
" against us, which he took away, blotting it out
" with his blood, which the blood of no other
" redeemer could do, and fixed it to his cross, openly
" triumphing over it in himself."
It plainly appears, that he had no other notion
concerning the obscurity of Scripture than we have,
by his reproaching Fcelix, that he had done accord-
ing to St. Peter's discourse concerning the writings
of St. Paul. p. 1 795, and 1 796.
He doth not own, that the Church was founded
on St. Peter, but on Jesus Christ, p. 1800 and 1801.
Et licet esset primus in ordine Apostolorum, ideo
tamen diu siluit, quia non Dominus quid illi, pro
quibus solus Petrus responsurus erat, sed quid ho-
mines de Filio hominis cestimarent, explorare dig-
natus est. " And though he were the first amongst
" the Apostles, yet he did not speak for some time, 52
" because the Lord did not inquire what they, for
" whom only Peter was to answer, but what men
" thought of the Son of man."
He lays it down as an inviolable maxim of Christ-*
e 4
56 Remarks upon the
chap, ianity, that we cannot believe but in God only, in
• opposition to that which is taught by the Church of
Rome.
He wholly overthrows the immaculate conception
of the blessed Virgin, p. 1808. ad finem. Ipse quippe
solas et singulariter de Spiritu Sancto concept'
natus ex Virgine, a vulva sine peccato pro Hit Deus
et homo. " For he alone being in a singula maj
" conceived by the Holy Ghost, and born ot the
" Virgin, came forth from the womb without sin,
" both God and man."
If any one will take the pains to examine the
opinions of this Bishop, he will find it an hard
thing not to take notice, that he denies what the
Church of Rome affirms, with relation to all these
articles ; and that he affirms what the Church of
Rome denies : and whatever colourable arts may be
employed, it will be very hard not to perceive this
opposition through them all.
I join with St. Paulinus of Aquileia, Paulus Dia-
conus of the same Church, who, forasmuch as he
was very famous towards the end of the eighth, and
about the beginning of the ninth century, we have
reason not to pass over his opinions without some
notice taken of them ; and the rather doth his judg-
ment deserve a more particular consideration, be-
cause he was born in Lombardy, was Deacon of the
Church of Aquileia, whence he was removed by
Charles the Great, after his having taken Desiderius,
the last king of the Lombards, prisoner, and was
honoured with the favour of Charles the Great. We
have several of his pieces, but I shall content myself
with two of his treatises, the one whereof is the
Life of St. Gregory the Great, because the Papists
believe they have found in that book an invincible
proof for transubstantiation ; the other is, the col-
lection of homilies he made for all the festival days
of the year, by the order of Charles the Great, and
which that Emperor authorized by his approbation.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 57
He tells us, in the Life of St. Gregory, that a chap.
Roman lady, who was used to make the bread her- V11L
self which she offered for the Communion, smiling 53
wfc St. Gregory offered a piece of it to her in the
Eucharist, St. Gregory perceiving it, took back the
read and gave it to the Deacon, to keep
it till the Communion was over, at which time he
^ ^ ner why she had laughed: to which
she answered, that it was because he called that
the body of our Lord, which she knew to be a
piece of the same bread she had offered. Where-
upon St. Gregory made a sermon to the people,
exhorting them to beg of God, that he would be
pleased to manifest that to them, which that un-
believing woman could not see with the eyes
of faith. After prayer, he draws near to the altar,
lifts up the corporal pall that covered the piece
of bread, and shews them the top of his little
finger stained with blood, ac mulieri dixit, Disce,
inquam, veritati vel modo jam credere contestanti,
Panis, quern ego do, caro mea est, et sanguis meus
vere est potus. Sed prcsscius Conditor noster in-
firmitatis nostra, ea potestate, qua cuncta fecit ex
nihilo, et corpus sibi, ex came semper Virginis, ope-
rante Sancto Spiritu fabricavit, panem et vinum
aqua mixtum, manente propria specie in carnem et
sanguinem suum, ad Catholicam prece?n, ob repara-
tionem nostram, Spiritus Sancti sanctificatione con-
vertit: " and said to the woman, Learn, I say, from
" henceforward, at least to believe Truth itself,
" which saith, The bread which I give is my fleshy
" and my blood is drink indeed. But our Creator
" foreseeing our weakness, by the same power by
" which he made the world of nothing, and made
" himself a body; by the operation of the Holy
" Ghost, of the flesh of the ever Virgin, has by the
" sanctification of the Holy Spirit converted the
" bread and wine mixed with water, still remaining
" under their own kind, into his flesh and blood, at
" the catholic prayer, for our salvation" This done,
58 Remarks upon the
chap, he commanded all the people to beg of God, ut in
formam pristinam sacrosanctum refbrmaret my ste-
rnum, quatenus mulieri ad sumendum fuisset possi-
bile; " that he would change that holy mystery into
" the form it had before, so as the woman might
54 " be able to take it ; which happening accordingly,
" strengthened the faith of that lady, and of all the
" people that were present."
I shall not examine at present, whether this his-
tory be a fable or not : sure it is, that most of the
particulars it contains seem to be of that character,
or at least we find none there, whose truth is attested
by witnesses that lived at the time of St. Gregory, or
soon after. But let this be as it will, I deny that
these miracles, whereof we have some other in-
stances in the book entitled, Vita Patrum, can be of
any use to confirm the doctrine of transubstantiation,
as Mabillon pretends in the margin of this relation ;
and that consequently Paulus Diaconus, who relates
the same, did not believe transubstantiation.
First, I deny, that by the word species ever any
one, speaking of bread, understood any other thing
than the substance of bread. Let them prove to us,
that the word species did ever heretofore signify the
accidents only; this being a notion which transub-
stantiation gave birth to some ages after that wherein
Paulus Diaconus lived.
Secondly, I deny, that from this apparition we
can infer the real presence ; we may indeed from
thence conclude a virtual presence, but nothing
more. The consequence is so clear, that it hath
been acknowledged by the Schoolmen, whilst they
were inquiring, what might be concluded from
these kind of apparitions of the flesh of a child,
of blood in the Eucharist. And indeed, if any
such thing were to be inferred from these ap-
paritions, we ought also to conclude the con-
trary; for there have been miracles quite oppo-
site to these now related. I will instance in a very
notable one. A Severian heretic having locked up
ancient Church of Piedmont. 5$
the Eucharist, that his servant, who was a Catholic, chap.
had put in his trunk, as Moschus tells us, c. 79- he VIIL
found ears of corn in the stead of it. Was the sub-
stance of bread here returned again, and did it af-
terwards bring forth ears of corn? Those of the
Romish Church are very far from believing any such
thing. We read also in the Life of Melanius Bishop
of Rhennes, that the Eucharist was changed into a
serpent, to punish the superstition of Marsus, who
had preferred the keeping of a fast to the receiving 55
of the Communion, and that afterwards the said
serpent was changed into the Eucharist again at the
prayer of Melanius, and was then received by
Marsus.
Besides, Paulus Diaconus himself shews us in his
following relation, what he would have us to con-
clude from this sort of miracles. He tells us, that a
great lord having sent his ambassadors to Rome, to
obtain some relics of the Apostles and Martyrs, that
St. Gregory, instead of the relics they desired, gave
them only some pieces of consecrated cloth, which
he severally put up into boxes, and delivered them
unto the ambassadors, having first sealed the boxes
with his own seal. And adds, that the ambassadors
being seized with a curiosity, on their journey home-
ward, to know what those boxes contained, they had
been strangely surprised, upon opening of them, to
find nothing there but some scraps of cloth, which
made them return back to Rome, to make their
complaint, that, instead of the bones of Martyrs or
Apostles, they had given them nothing but some
bits of cloth. Upon these complaints made by the
ambassadors to the Archdeacon, St. Gregory com-
mandeth them to come to church, and exhorted the
people to pray to God ; Quatenus in hac re dignetur
apertissime sic suam potentiam patefacere, ut quid
mereaturjides, evidentius minus creduli et ignoran-
tes possint cognoscere. Et data oratione accepit
cultellum qui temeraverat signa, et super altare
60 Remarks upon the
chap, corporis sancti Petri, accept am unam panni portio-
L_ nem per medium pungens secuit, ex qua statim san-
guis decucurrit, et omnem eandem poriiuncutam
cruentavit. Videntes autem suprascripti legatarii,
et omnes populi, stupendum et arcanum Jidei sacra
miraculum, ceciderunt proni in terram, adorantes
Dominum, dicentes, Mirabilis Deus in Sanctis suis,
Deus Israel, ipse dabit virtutem etfortitudinem plebi
sua, benedictus Deus. Et facto silent io, inter alia
Jidei documenta, dixit ad eos beatus Gregorius, qui
ante has venerandas reliquias parvi duxerant, Sci-
tote,fratres, quia in consecratione corporis et san-
guinis Domini nostri Jesu, cum ob sanctificationem
reliquiarum in honore Apostolorum vel Martyrum
ipsius quibus specialiter assignabantur ; supra sacro-
56 sanctum alt are libamina offer ebantur, semper il-
lorum sanguis hos pannos intravit qui effusus est
pro nomine Christi Domini nostri. " That he would
" be pleased so openly to declare his power on this
" occasion, that the unbelievers and the ignorant
" might know what faith is able to effect. And
u prayer being ended, he took the knife wherewith
" the seals had been broke open, and laying one of
" those pieces of cloth upon the holy altar of St.
" Peter, he struck the knife through it, from whence
" immediately blood gushed forth, which stained
" the whole piece of cloth : whereupon the ambas-
" sadors and all the people beholding this astonish-
" ing and mysterious miracle of holy faith, fell flat
" down with their faces to the ground, and wor-
" shipped the Lord, saying, Wonderful is the Lord
" in his saints, the God of Israel, he shall give vir-
" tue and strength to his people, blessed be God.
" And after silence was made, amongst other instruc-
" tions in the faith, St. Gregory said unto them,
" who before had undervalued these venerable
" relics, Know ye, brethren, that in consecrating
" the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ,
" when for the sanctification of relics in honour of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 6 1
" the Apostles or Martyrs, whose they were, drink- chap.
" offerings were offered on the holy altar, their L
" blood, which was shed for the name of Jesus
" Christ, always entered these pieces of cloth."
This is that they call Brandeum, mentioned by
Sigebert, upon the year 441, when he says, that St.
Leo had brought it into request. True it is, that this
fable is of a sort unknown to all antiquity; but,
however, it proves thus much, that these apparitions
of blood in the Host suppose no more than the virtue
of the blood of Jesus Christ.
As to the homilies of the primitive Fathers,
whereof Paulus Diaconus made a collection, it is
very surprising to find not so much as one inserted
amongst them, whence we can pick this doctrine of
the real presence, if he with the Church of his time
had conceived this to have been the doctrine of the
primitive Church. We find indeed in this his col-
lection some homilies of St. Leo, Ferice 2, 3, 4. and
some others, which treat of the sacrament of the5?
Eucharist, which Jesus Christ substituted instead of
the Passover: but we find this matter so drily
handled in them, that it is hard to conceive how
these expressions of antiquity could satisfy a man
who had been tinged with the doctrine of Pas-
chasius.
As for those other Romish doctrines, which at
this day are made the leading points of religion, we
may boldly say, that we can find nothing of them
in this collection of homilies, amongst which there
are many of St. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, and
Maximus, Bishop of Turin, whose belief we have
already given a sufficient account of: the rest of this
collection consists for the most part of the homilies
of Origen, St. Jerome, St. Austin, St. Chrysostom,
and venerable Bede, whose opinions are well known ;
there being scarce any of these authors, whose belief
has not been represented in particular, to make it
appear how far they were from concurring with the
62 Remarks upon the
chap, opinions of the Church of Rome about the prin-
VIIL cipal doctrines, which at this day are the causes
of the separation of the Protestants from that
Church.
CHAP. IX.
Opinions of the Church of Italy during the ninth
century.
W E are now come to the ninth century, wherein,
after this diocese had been subject to several princes
it came into the hands of Charles the Great and his
successors. We have already seen how the Prelates
of this diocese, at the Council of Francfort, opposed
themselves to superstition, which then began to
gather strength. But we shall perceive this more
58 clearly in the sequel of this discourse. It cannot be
denied, but that the state of the Church in general
was, as it were, wholly overthrown. Angilbertus,
Bishop of Milan, gives us a most sad representation
of it, in the relation which he gives to Ludovicus
Ripamont. Pius. " To our great sorrow," saith he, " we have
in his Hist. « found, that scarce ought of holiness or sincerity is
" left in the Church, and the corruptions are crept
" into it ;" which afterwards he instanceth in par-
ticular: and I doubt not but Italy had her share of
the infection. Indeed superstition could not but in-
crease under the shelter of so profound a negligence
of the pastors, as did then obtain : but the Divine
providence was pleased to provide a remedy against
it by means of Claudius, Bishop of Turin. And since
Claudius had a great share in defending of the truth
in this diocese of Italy, where God had placed him,
and that by this means he has been extremely ex-
posed to the calumnies of the Romish party; it
will be very well worth our pains, to represent here
ancient Church of Piedmont. 63
these three things, his character, his writings, and his chap.
opinions. '
This Claudius was born in Spain; he had been a
disciple of Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel ; he was for some
years in the court of Ludovicus Pius amongst his
Chaplains; and being endowed with great talents
for a preacher, when Lewis was advanced to the
empire, he caused him to be ordained Bishop of
Turin. It will probably be imagined, that he had
borrowed from Fcelix, Bishop of Urgel, the com-
panion of Elipandus, the opinions of Nestorianism :
but whosoever thinks so, will find himself mistaken ;
for his character of a great preacher, which had
procured him the esteem of the Emperor, and his
long continuance in Lewis's court, during the life of
Charles the Great, a court where that opinion, since
the condemnation of Fcelix and Elipandus, at Franc-
fort, in 794, was very much had in detestation, are
sufficient to purge him from any such suspicion.
But over and above all this, his writings upon the
Scripture shew him to have been very far from that
opinion ; for we find in several passages unquestion-
able evidences of his orthodox judgment in this
point. What he saith upon the xxvth of St. Mat- 59
thew, ver. 31. is decisive in this matter; and yet he
expresseth himself more strongly, if it be possible,
on Matth. xxii. ver. 2. Neither is it less easy to
purge him of another calumny, which was cast upon
him after his death, by Jonas, Bishop of Orleans,
who, in his preface to king Charles the Bald, ac-
cuseth him for having endeavoured to revive the
sect of Arius. I thought at first, that this was only
a fault of the transcriber, who had writ Arius for
Aerius ; but the manner of Jonas' s expressing him-
self has made me retract my first conjecture: how-
ever, it is no less easy to refute this calumny, than
it was to clear him from the first suspicion. In a
word, we do not find any thing like it in so many
books writ by him, and we find that which is con-
v 64 Remarks upon the
chap, trary to it on Matt. xii. ver. 25. Let them make out
IXt to us, that any such thing was found amongst his
papers after his death, as Jonas se'ems to insinuate,
and we shall believe that Jonas was not over apt to
give credit to those men, whose only aim was to be-
spatter the reputation of Claudius, and to make it
odious and detestable to posterity, because he cried
down their superstition and idolatry. Except they
perform this, we must still look upon this accusation
as a mere calumny.
As for the works of this great man, we may af-
firm, there were few in his time who took so much
pains to explain the Scripture, or to oppose them-
selves against the torrent of superstition.
He wrote three books upon Genesis in the year
i 815. He made a commentary on St. Matthew,
which he published the same year, dedicating it to
Justus, Abbot of Charroux.
He published a commentary upon the Epistle to
the Galatians in the year 81 6, and dedicated it to
Dructeramnus, a famous abbot, who had exhorted
him to write comments upon all St. Paul's Epistles.
He wrote a commentary on the Epistle to the
Ephesians, which he dedicated to Ludovicus Pius,
who commanded him to comment upon St. Paul's
Epistles ; which dedicatory epistle of his has been
published by Mabillon.
6o He made a commentary upon Exodus, in four
books, which he published in the year 821, dedi-
cating them to the Abbot Theodemirus.
He made also another on Leviticus, which he pub-
lished in the year 823, and dedicated it to the same
Abbot. Oudin tells us, he hath seen a commentary
of his on the Book of Ruth, in a library in Hainault.
Of all these his works, there is nothing printed
but his commentary upon the Epistle to the Ga-
latians. The monks of St. Germain have his com-
mentary upon all the Epistles in MS. in two vo-
lumes, which were found in the library of the abbey
ancient Church of Piedmont. 65
of Fleury, near Orleans. They have also his MS. chap.
commentaries on Leviticus, which formerly belonged '
to the library of St. Remy at Rheims. As for his
commentary on St. Matthew, there are several MS.
copies of it in England, as well as elsewhere.
We may judge in what credit and esteem the doc-
trine of Claudius was at that time, by the earnest-
ness wherewith the Emperor Ludovicus Pius, and
the most famous Abbots of those times, pressed him
to explain the holy Scripture in his writings. We
may also conclude the same, from his being pro-
moted to the episcopal dignity in a place where the
superstition in reference to images obliged the Em-
peror to provide them with a Bishop that was both
learned and vigorous ; for Jonas of Orleans cannot
dissemble, but that it was upon this very consider-
ation, that the Emperor made a particular choice of
Claudius to be consecrated Bishop of Turin. More-
over, this see was not an ordinary bishopric, but a
very considerable metropolis in the diocese of Italy;
but it was not till some time after, that the title of
Archbishops was bestowed upon Metropolitans.
The time wherein he was advanced to the epi-
scopal dignity is not certainly known. Father Le
Cointe conjectures, very probably, that it was in the
year 8 1 7- But whether that be so or no, sure it is,
that Claudius, in his illustration of the Scripture,
plainly shewed himself to be very free from those
errors which at this day are in vogue in Romish
communion.
We need only read his commentary upon theGl
Epistle to the Galatians, to assure us, that he every
where asserts the equality of all the Apostles with
St. Peter, though the occasions seemed naturally to
engage him to establish the primacy of St. Peter,
and that of his pretended successors. This we find
in ten several passages of that commentary; he onlyB P ed5t
declares the primacv of St. Peter to consist in thePii,ls- 1» *«
1 J p. 789, 800,
801, 803, 805, 806, 807, 809, 810, 814.
66 Remarks upon the
chap, honour he had of founding the Church both amongst
the, Jews and Gentiles, p. 810. And indeed every
where throughout his writings he maintains, that
Jesus Christ is the only Head of the Church.
He overthrows the doctrine of merits in such a
manner as overthrows all the nice distinctions of the
Papists on that subject.
He pronounces anathemas against traditions in
matter of religion : so far was he from giving occa-
sion to others to suspect, that he made them a part
of the object of his faith, as the Church of Rome at
present doth.
B. p. edit. He maintains, that faith alone saves us, which is
Pa8iV L tne Pomt tnat so extremely provoked the Church of
Rome against Luther, who asserted the same thing.
lb. p.829. He holds the Church to be subject to error, op-
posite to what at this day the Romanists pretend in
so unreasonable a manner.
lb. p. 844. He denies, that prayers after death may be of
any use to those that have demanded them.
lb. p. 842. He very smartly lashed the superstition and idol-
atry, which then began to be renewed, being sup-
ported by the authority of the Roman see.
These things we find in his commentary upon the
Epistle to the Galatians ; but the other writings of
this great man, manuscript and printed, shew us yet
more of his mind. Indeed, we find him giving very
public marks of his zeal for the purity of religion in
several points. First, he proposeth the doctrine of
the Church, in reference to the Eucharist, in a man-
ner altogether conformable to the judgment of an-
tiquity, following therein the most illustrious doctors
of the Christian Church, and shewing that he was,
as to that matter, at the farthest distance from the
62 opinions which Paschasius Radbertus advanced
eighteen or nineteen years after that Claudius had
writ his commentary upon St. Matthew. Claudius's
L.3. c. 14. own words, as they were taken from a MS. of M.
Theyer, are these :
ancient Church of Piedmont. 67
Coenantibus ant em eis, accepit Jesus panem, et chap.
benedixit ac f regit, deditque discipulis suis, et ait, 1_
Accipite et comedite, hoc est corpus meum. Finitis
paschcB veteris solenniis, qua in commemorationem
antiques de JEgypto liberationis populi Dei age-
bantur, transiit ad novum, quod in sued redemptionis
memoriam Ecclesiam frequent are volebat: ut vide-
licet etpro came agni ac sanguine sui corporis san-
guinisque sacramentum substitueret, ipsumque se
esse monstraret, cuijuravit Dominus, et non poeni-
tebit eum, Tu es sacerdos in aternum secundum ordi-
nem Melchisedec. Frangit autem ipse panem quern
discipulis porrigit, ut ostendat corporis sui fr actio-
nem non absque sua sponte ac procuratione ven-
turam; sedsicut alibi dicit, potestatem se habere po-
nendi animam suam, et potestatem se habere iterum
sumendi earn. Quern videlicet panem certi quoque
gratia sacramenti, priusquam fr anger et benedixit.
Quia naturam humanam quam passurus assumpsit,
ipse una cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto gratia divincc
virtulis implevit. Benedixit panem, et f regit, quia
hominem assumptum ita morti subdere dignatus
est, ut et divines immortalitatis veraciter inesse
potentiam demonstraret. Ideoque velocius eum a
morte resuscitandum esse doceret. Et accipiens ca-
licem, gratias egit, et dedit illis, dicens, Bibite ex
hoc omnes. Cum. appropinquare passioni dicitur,
accepto pane et calice, gratiam egisse perhibetur;
gratias itaque egit qui flagella aliens iniquitafis
suscepit. Et qui nihil dignum percussioni exhibuit,
humiliter in percussione benedixit. Ut hinc videlicet
ostendat, quid unusquisque inflagello culpa propria
facer e debeat: si ipse (Equanimiter flagella culpa
portat aliena; ut hinc ostendat, quid in correptwne
facial subditus, si in flagello positus Patri gratias
agit aqualis. Hie est enim sanguis metis novi tes-
tamenti, qui pro multis ejfundetur in remissionem
peccatorum. Quia panis corpus confirmat, vinum
vero sanguinem, operatur in came; hie ad corpus
f 2
68 Remarks upon the
chap. Christi mystice, illud refertur ad sanguinem. Verum
quia et nos in Christo, et in nobis Christum manere
oportet, vinum Dominici calicis aqua miscetur. At-
testante enim Johanne, aqua populi sunt. Et neque
aquam solam, neque solum vinum, sicut nee gra-
num frumenti solum sine admixtione aqua et con-
fectione, in panem cuiquam licet offerre, ne videlicet
oblatio talis quasi caput a membro secernendum
63 esse signified, et vel Christum sine nostra redemp-
tionis amore pati potuisse, vel nos sine illius passione
salvari ac Patri offerri posse confingat. Quod au-
tem dicit, Hie est sanguis meus novi testamenti, ad
distinctionem respicit veteris testamenti, quod hir-
corurn et vitulorum est sanguine dedicatum ; dicente
inter aspergendum legislatore, Hie est sanguis tes-
tamenti, quod mandavit ad vos Deus. Necesse est
enim exemplaria quidem verorum his mundari; ipsa
autem ccelestia melioribus hostiis quam istis,juxta
quod Apostolus per totam ad Hebraos Epistolam,
inter Legem distinguens et Evangelium,pulcherrima
expositione ac plenaria ratione declarat. Dico au-
tem vobis, Non bibam amodo de hoc genimine vitis
usque in diem ilium, cum illud bibam vobiscum novum
in regno Patris mei. Vitem sive vineam Domini
appellatam esse synagogam, et omnis sparsim Scrip-
tura et apertius testatur Isaias in cantico de illo
cantato, Vinea, inquiens, Domini Sabaoth, domus
Israel est. De qua nimirum vinea Dominus multo
tempore bibebat, quamvis pluribus ramis in amari-
tudinem vitis alienee conversis, quod tamen etsi mul-
tis in ilia plebe exorbitantibus a recto Jidei itinere,
non defuere plurimi toto Legis tempore, quorum pits
cogitationibus summisque virtutibus delectaretur
Deus. Verum passo in came Domino, ac resurgente
a mortuis, tempus J'uit ut legalis ilia et Jiguralis
observatio cessaret, atque ea qua secundum literam
gerebantur, in spiritalem translata sensum, melius in
novum testamentum,juvante Sancti Spiritus gratia,
tenerentur. lturus igitur adpassionem Dominus ait,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 69
Jam non bibam de hoc genimine vitis usque in diem chap,
ilium cum illud bibam vobiscum novum in regno
Patris mei. Ac si aperte dicat, Non ultra carnali-
bus synagogce ceremoniis deledabor, in quibus etiam
ista paschalis agnl sacra locum tenuere pracipuum :
aderit enim tempus me& resurrectionis : aderit dies
Me cum ipse in regno Dei positus, id est, gloria vita
immortalis sublimatus, de salute populi ejusdem
fonte gratia spiritalis regenerate novo vobiscum
gaudio perfundar. Item quod ait, Non bibam amo-
do de hoc genimine vitis usque in diem ilium cum
illud bibam vobiscum novum in regno Patris mei,
vult intelligi hoc vetus esse, cum illud novum dicit ;
quia ergo de propagine Adam, qui vetus homo ap-
pellator, corpus susceperat, quod in passione morti
traditurus erat: unde etiam per vini sacramentum
commendat sanguinem suum, quid aliud novum
vinum nisi immortalitatem renovatorum corporum
intelligere debemus? Quod cum dicit, Probiscum64
bibam, etiam ipsis resurrectionem corporum ad indu-
endam immortalitatem promittit. Vobiscum enim
non ad idem tempus, sed ad eandem innovation em
dictum, accipiendum est. Nam et nos dicit Aposto-
lus resurrexisse cum Christo, ut spe rei future jam
Icctitiam pr&sentem offer at: quod autem de hoc ge-
nimine vitis etiam illud novum esse dicit, significat
utique eadem corpora resurrectura secundum, inno-
vationem ccelestem, qua nunc secundum vetustatem
moritura sunt. Si hanc vitem de cujus vetustate
nunc passionis calicem bibit, ipsos Jud&os intellex-
eris, significatum est etiam ipsam gentem ad corpus
Christi per novitatem vita accessuram; cum ingres-
sa plenitudine gentium, omnis Israel salvusjiet. Et
hymno dido exierunt in montem Oliveti; hoc est quod
inPsalmo legimus, Edent pauper es,et saturabuntur;
et laudabunt Dominum qui requirunt eum: Potest
autem et hymnus etiam ille intelligi quern Dominus
secundum Johannem Patri gr alias agens decant -
abat, in quo et pro seipso, et pro discipulis, et pro
F 3
70 Remarks upon the
chap, els qui per verbum eorum credituri e?*ant, elevatis
oculis sursum precabatur. Et pulchre discipulos
sacramentis sui corporis ac sanguinis imbuios, et
hymno pi& inter cessionis Patri commendatos, in
montem educit Olivarum, ut typice designet nos per
acceptionem sacramentormn suorum, perque opem
sua inter cessionis, ad altiora virtutum, ut carismate
Sancti Spiritus in corde perungamur, conscendere
debere.
" The Apostles being sate down at table, Jesus
6i Christ took bread, blessed and brake it, and gave
" of it to his disciples, saying to them, Take this
" and eat it, this is my body. The ancient cere-
" monies of the ancient Passover, which were used
" in memory of the deliverance of the people of Is-
" rael, being finished, he passeth on to the new, be-
" cause he would have the same to be celebrated in
" his Church in commemoration of the mystery of
" her redemption, and to substitute the Sacrament
" of his body and of his blood, instead of the flesh
" and blood of the paschal lamb, and to shew that
" it was he himself to whom God had sworn, and
" shall never repent of it ; Thou art the eternal
" Priest according to the order of Melchizedeck.
" Moreover, he himself breaks the bread which he
" gives to his disciples, that he might represent and
" make it appear, that the breaking of his body
65 " would not be contrary to his inclination, or with-
" out his willingness to die : but, as he saith else-
" where, that he had power to give his life, and to
" deliver it up himself, as well as to take it again,
" and raise himself from the dead. He blessed the
" bread before he brake it, to assure us, that he in-
" tended to make a Sacrament of it; and forasmuch
" as he had taken human nature upon him, that
" he might suffer, he with his Father and the Holy
" Spirit filled the same with the grace of a virtue
" which was altogether divine; and because he was
(( pleased to submit the human nature he had
ancient Church of Piedmont. 7 1
" taken upon him, to death, he would make it ap- chap.
" pear, that the said humanity was possessed of a true '
" and natural power to raise itself: whereby he
" taught us, that the same would rise more readily
" from the dead. And taking the cup, he gave
" thanks to his Father, and gave it them to drink,
" saying, Drink ye all of it. When he drew near to
66 the time of his death and passion, it is said, that
" having taken the bread and the cup, he gave
" thanks to his eternal Father. He therefore who
" had taken upon him to expiate the iniquities of
" others, gave thanks to his Father, without having
" done any thing that was worthy of death : he
" blesseth it with a profound humility, at the very
(t time that he saw himself loaden with stripes ;
" without doubt to instruct us, what every one of
" us ought to do when we find ourselves lashed
" with the whip and sting of our conscience : for, if
" he who was innocent endured with meekness
" and tranquillity the stripes due to the iniquity of
" others ; this was to teach and instruct us what he
" ought to do that is obnoxious, when he is cor-
" rected for his own transgressions. If he suffered
" with an equal mind the scourge due for the sins
" of others, this teaches us what a subject ought to
" do when under the Divine corrections ; when he
" who is equal to the Father gave thanks to him
" when under his scourges : For this is my blood of
" the new testament, which shall be shed for you
" all, for the remission of sin; because he assures
" us, that the bread becomes his body, and that the
cc wine doth operate and produce his blood in the
" flesh. The bread represents to us his mystical
" body, and the wine is the symbol of his blood. 66
" But, because we must abide in Christ, and Christ
" must abide in us, we mingle water with the wine
" in the cup of the Lord. And, as St. John wit-
Ci nesseth, the people are water, and it is not per-
" mitted to any body to offer water alone, no more
F 4
72 Remarks upon the
chap. " than the wine alone; in like manner as it is for-
IX' " bidden to offer the grains of wheat, without their
" being mingled with water, and so reduced to
" bread, for fear lest such an oblation might signify,
" that the Head ought to be separated from its
" members, and that Jesus Christ could have suf-
" fered, without an extreme love and desire of our
" redemption ; or that this oblation did not give us
" ground to believe, that we might be saved, or of-
" fered up to his Father without the mystery of his
" passion. As for his saying, This is my blood of
" the new testament, it is that we might make a
" distinction between the new covenant and the
" old, which was consecrated with the effusion of
" the blood of goats and oxen, as the Lawgiver
" said at the sprinkling of it ; This is the blood of
" the covenant which God has commanded you :
" for it is necessary that the patterns of true things
" should be purified by these; but that the heavenly
" places should be purified with more excellent sa-
" crifices, according to what the Apostle St. Paul
" declares throughout his whole Epistle to the He-
" brews, where he makes a distinction between the
" Law and the Gospel. He declares, by an excellent
(C and ample explication, Verily, verily, this I say
" unto you, I will drink no more of the vine, till I
" shall drink it new in the kingdom of my Father.
" The whole Scripture openly declares, that the syn-
" agogue is called the Vine of the Lord ; the Pro-
" phet Isaiah openly sets this forth in his song,
" where he speaks of it in these words; The house
" of Israel is the Lord's Vine. It is indeed of this
" vine that the Lord drank large draughts, though
" many branches thereof were infected with the
" bitterness of a strange Vine ; and though in the
" mean time many of the people are gone astray
" from tlie true way of the faith, yet there were still
" found a great many, during the whole time of the
" Law, who glorified God by their holy and godly
ancient Church of Piedmont. J 3
" thoughts, and by the practice of their heroical chap.
" virtues. But Jesus Christ having suffered in the . " ..
" flesh that was capable of suffering, and being
" raised from the dead, the time is come that hath
" put an end to these legal and figurative observa-
" tions: all those things that were observed accord-
" ing to the letter, have been changed into a spi-
w ritual sense, and have been confirmed in the new
" testament by the grace of the Holy Ghost. Jesus
" Christ then going to suffer, saith, / shall drink no
" more of this juice of the vine, until the day that I
" shall drink it new with you in the kingdom of my
" Father. As if he had plainly said, I will no longer
" take delight in the carnal ceremonies of the syn-
" agogue, amongst the number of which the great
" festival of the paschal lamb was one of the chief-
* est ; for this shall be the time of my resurrection ;
" that very day I shall be lifted up to the kingdom
" of heaven, that is to say, to the kingdom of a new
" life of immortality; I shall be filled together with
" you with a new joy for the salvation of my
" people, which shall be born again in the spring of
" one and the same grace. In like manner also
" when he saith, I shall not drink of this juice of
" the vine, until the day that I shall drink it
" new with you in the kingdom of my Father, he
" would be understood of the old testament, when
" he calls it the new: and therefore since he had
" taken a body from the family of Adam, who is
" called the old man, and that this his body was now
" to be exposed to death ; it is for this reason that
" by the sacrament of wine he recommends to us his
u blood. What are we to understand by this new
" wine, but the immortality of our renewed bodies?
" For when he saith, I will drink it with you, he
" promiseth to them also the resurrection of their
" bodies, in order to their being clothed with im-
" mortality. For this word vobiscum (with you)
" must not be taken as spoken of the same time,
CHAP.
IX.
68
74 Remarks upon the
c but as importing that the disciples should in time
' to come be renewed, as well as he. For doth not
' the Apostle say, that we are all raised again with
' Christ, that our future resurrection might afford
6 us present joy? And whereas he saith, of this juice
6 of the vine, and calls it also new, this for certain
6 signifies, that the same bodies must be raised
( again, according to the rules of an altogether hea-
' venly renovation, though at present they must die,
c according to the old man. If you understand the
c Jews by this vine, from the oldness of which
' he at present now drinks the cup of his passion ;
6 it hath also been signified to us, that that nation
c must approach to the body of Jesus Christ by the
' change of a new life: The whole house of Israel
6 shall be saved, together with all its company,
' which shall enter with them. After they had sung
6 an hymn, they went to the mount of Olives. This
( is that which we read in the Psalmist, The poor
( shall eat and he filled; and they that seek the
i Lord shall praise him. This hymn may be also
( understood, according to the account St. John
e gives of it, to be that which Jesus Christ sang,
6 when he gave thanks to his eternal Father,
' wherein he prayed for himself, for his disciples,
1 and for all those who should believe at their
i preaching. And it is not without cause that he
i leads his disciples to the mount of Olives, after
f having fed them with the sacraments of his body
and his blood, and after his having recommended
them to his Father by the hymn of a tender in-
tercession ; to inform us, without doubt, that it is
by receiving of the sacraments, and by the assist-
ance of his prayer, that we must come to the pos-
session of heroical virtues, and that it is by this
means alone, that we shall receive in our hearts
the unctions of the Holy Spirit."
We find by this extract, that he followed the no-
tions of the primitive Church closely on this sub-
ancient Church of Piedmont, *Jh
ject, and that the Church which bordered upon the chap.
mountains of the Alps did not entertain any opin- ___!__
ions like those of Paschasius. We ought to observe
here, as a thing natural and obvious, that if he en-
dured some contradiction upon other articles, yet he
never was impleaded about that of the Eucharist ;
which shews that that truth, at that time, was yet in
possession of its own rights, and that those who
quarreled with him about other articles, as Jonas,
Bishop of Orleans, Dungalus, and the Abbot Theo-
demirus, were of his opinion about the matter of the
Eucharist. For seeing his commentary upon St. 69
Matthew was published in the year 815, and that
Theodemirus continued still his friend in 823, press-
ing him to write on the Old Testament, it is evident,
that till then nothing had interrupted the good cor-
respondence that was between them.
Mabillon has published an extract from the end
of his work upon Leviticus, dedicated to Abbot
Theodemirus, which shews the great care that he
took to withdraw those of his diocese from the han-
kering they had after the worship of creatures, and
the troubles and crosses he had met with from those
who were willing to defend their superstitions.
"Because you have commanded me to write Anaiect. t.
" these things, I have undertaken it, not as for your^^'37'
" instruction, but for your satisfaction. But it is
" your duty to judge of it with more truth, and to
" stir up yourself by your examples, to the practice
" of a true charity, which is the most excellent of
" all virtues. And I assure myself, that I may more
" easily attain to the possession of that virtue by
" means of your prayers than by any strength of my
" own. See here, my dear brother, what I have here
w answered, as well as I could, to certain demands
a you have made of me. And I earnestly desire
" you on this occasion, that if you have discovered,
" or can find for time to come, any thing better,
" concerning the things about which you command
76 Remarks upon the
chap. " me to write unto you, we shall take it very kindly,
' " if you shall be pleased to communicate the same
" to us ; for I am naturally more inclined to learn,
" than to teach others. For this beauty of the eter-
" nal Truth and Wisdom (God grant I may always
" have a constant will to enjoy her, for the love of
" whom we have also undertaken this work) doth
" not exclude those that come unto her, because of
" the great number of hearers she hath ; she grows
" not old by length of time ; she minds not places ;
" she does not suffer herself to be overtaken by
" night ; she does not shut up herself in shadows,
" and doth not expose herself to our bodily senses :
" she is near unto all those that turn themselves to
" her from all parts of the world, and who love her
70" indeed ; she is eternal to all; she is not limited by
" any places, she is every where ; she advertiseth
" abroad, she instructs within, she changes and con-
" verts those that behold her ; she doth not suffer
" herself to be violated by any person ; no man can
"judge of her, nobody can judge well without
" her. In this idea of my faith, I separate all change
" and alteration from eternity; and in this eternity
" I discover no space of time, for the spaces of time
" are made up of future and past motions of things :
" now there is nothing past or future in eternity;
" for that which passeth ceaseth to be, and that
" which is to come has not yet begun to be : but as
" for eternity, it is that which is always present, nor
" ever has been, so as not to be present still ; nor
" ever shall be, but so as still to continue present ;
" because it is she alone that can say to the spirit of
" man, It is I who am the Lord ; and it is of her
" alone we can say with truth, He who is eternal
" has sent me.
" And since this is the case, we are not com-
" manded to go to the creature, that we may
" be happy, but to the Creator, who alone can
" constitute our bliss ; of whom if we entertain
undent Church of Piedmont. 77
" other opinions than we ought to have, we in- chap.
" volve ourselves in a very pernicious error. For as '
* long as we shall endeavour to come to that which
" is not, or which, supposing it to be, yet doth not
" make us happy, we shall never be able to arrive
" at a happy life. A man doth not become happy
" because another is so ; but when a man imitates an-
" other, that he may become such as he is, he desires
" immediately to become happy by the same means
" he finds another is become so, that is, by the enjoy-
" ment of this universal and unchangeable Truth.
" Neither can a man become prudent by the pru-
" dence of another, or valiant by the valour, or
" temperate by the temperance, or just by the jus-
" tice of another; but by forming and fashioning his
" mind by the immutable rules and splendors of
" those virtues, which without alteration shine forth
" in this common universal truth and wisdom : in
" imitation of whom he formed and squared his
" manners, whom we propose to ourselves as a pat-71
" tern to imitate, and whom we look upon as a
" living copy of that eternal Wisdom. Our will
" fastening itself, and cleaving to this unchangeable
". and common good, affords the first and great good
" things man is capable of, because she is a certain
" mean good. But when the will of man separates
" itself from this unchangeable and common good,
" and seeks her own particular good, or directs her-
" self to any outward or inferior good, she sins."
After this he quotes an excellent passage of St.
Austin, from his treatise concerning the True Re-
ligion. "Wherefore we owe no religious worship to s. August.
" those who are departed this life, because they HgVce.r5^e*
" have lived religiously; we must not look upon
" them as persons that require our adorations and
* homage, but they desire that he may be worthy
" of our respect, by whom they being enlightened
" rejoice to see us made partakers of their piety,
f We must therefore honour them, because they de-
78 Remarks upon the
chap. " serve to be imitated; but we must not worship
IX> " them with an act of religion. And if they have
" lived wickedly, we do not owe them any respect
" at all, in what part soever of the world they
" be. That then which is honoured by the high-
" est angel must also be honoured by the lowest
" of men, because the nature of man is become
" the lowest, for not having honoured him. For
" an angel takes not his wisdom elsewhere than
" man does. The truth of an angel and that of
" man are both derived from the same fountain,
" that is, from one and the same eternal Truth and
" Wisdom. For by a pure effect of that eternal
" Wisdom it comes to pass, that the power of God,
" and that unchangeable Wisdom consubstantial and
" coeternal with the Father, hath vouchsafed, in or-
" der to the accomplishment of the adorable mys-
" tery of our salvation, to take our human nature
" upon him, that he might teach us, that we owe our
" adorations to him who alone deserves to be wor-
" shipped by all intelligent and rational creatures.
" We ought also to believe, that those good angels,
" which are the most excellent ministers of God,
72 u would have us to worship one only God together
" with them, by the alone vision of whom they are
* happy. For we are not happy in beholding the
" angels, neither can that vision ever make us so;
" but we shall be happy by beholding the Truth,
" by means of which we love the angels, and con-
" gratulate them. Neither do we envy their happi-
" ness, because they are more active than we, and
" because they enjoy the vision of God, without
" being molested with any trouble ; but rather love
" them so much the more, because our hope puts
" us upon expecting something answerable to these
" their excellencies, from him who is the God of
" us both. Wherefore we honour them with our
K charitable respects, but not like slaves : we build
" no temples to them, neither will they be honoured
ancient Church of Piedmont. 79
" by us in any such manner, because they know that chap,
a we, whilst we are good, are the temples of the x*
" living God." After his quoting of this passage,
see how he concludes his work.
" These things are the highest and strongest mys-
cc teries of our faith, and characters most deeply im-
" printed in our hearts. In standing up for the con-
" firmation and defence of which truth, I am be-
" come a reproach to my neighbours to that degree,
" that those who see us do not only scoff at us,
" but point at us, one to another: but God, the
" father of mercies and author of all consolations,
" has comforted us in all our afflictions, that we
" might be able, in like manner, to comfort those
"that are pressed with sorrow and affliction: we
" rely upon the protection of Him who has armed
u and fortified us with the armour of righteousness
" and of faith, which is the tried shield for our
" eternal salvation."
He seems in these words to allude to the com-
plaints that had been made against him, at Ludovi-
cus Pius's court, for having broke down images
throughout his diocese, and for writing, in defence
of himself, a treatise against the adoration of images,
the worship of saints, pilgrimages, the worship of
relics, with other such like superstitions. And since
the cruel diligence of the Inquisitors has destroyed
this piece, we must guess at the time wherein he
wrote it, from the account his adversaries give us 73
thereof, viz. Theodemirus, Dungalus, and Jonas of
Orleans, and search in their books for his true opin-
ions, and the arguments he made use of against the
defenders of superstition.
Dungalus wrote in the year 828, as appears clearly
from what he mentions of the decree passed in Lu-
dovicus Pius's palace, after the assembly of Paris in
the year 825, about the matter of images, as a thing
which happened two years before. In his book he
accuseth Claudius for taking upon him, after eight
80 Re?narks upon the
chap, hundred and twenty years and more, to reprove
those things that were passed in continual use, as if
there had been none before him that ever had any
zeal for religion ; from whence it is evident, that
Claudius wrote since the year 820. It seems indeed
as if he had answered the Abbot Theodemirus after
the year 823, who had intimated to him the offence
that was taken at his behaviour and opinions, which
he did so effectually as not to have any need to
write another treatise upon the same subject.
However it is Dungalus himself who has preserved
the extracts of the apologetical answer, which Clau-
dius made about that time, to the Abbot Theode-
mirus ; which apologetic he begins in this manner:
" I have received," saith he to Theodemirus, " by
" a particular bearer thy letter, with the articles,
" wholly stuffed with babbling and fooleries. You
" declare in these articles, that you have been trou-
" bled that my fame was spread, not only throughout
u all Italy, but also in Spain, and elsewhere ; as if I
" had formerly, and still do preach a new sect,
" contrary to the rules of the ancient Catholic faith,
" which is most absolutely false: neither is it any
" wonder at all, if the members of Satan talk of me at
" this rate, who have also called our Head a deceiver,
" one that hath a devil, &c. For I teach no new
" sect, as keeping myself to the pure truth, preach-
" ing and publishing nothing but that ; but on the
" contrary, as far as in me lies, I have repressed, op-
a posed, cast down, and destroyed, and do still re-
" press, oppose, and destroy, to the utmost of my
74" power, all sects, schisms, superstitions, and here-
" sies ; and shall never cease so to do, by the assist-
" ance of God, as far as I am able : for since it is
" expressly said, Thou shalt not make to thyself
" the resemblance of any thing, either in heaven or
" on earth, &c. this is not alone to be understood of
" the images and resemblances of strange gods, but
" also of those of celestial creatures.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 81
*
" These kind of people, against whom we have chap.
" undertaken to defend the Church of God, tell us, '
" If thou write upon the wall, or drawest the
>? images of Peter or of Paul, of Jupiter, Saturn, or
" of Mercury; neither are the one of these gods,
" nor the other apostles, and neither the one nor the
" other of them are men, and therefore the name is
" changed : and in the mean time, both then and
" now, the same ever continues still. Surely, if we
" ought to worship them, we ought rather to wor-
" ship them alive, than as thou hast represented
" them, as the portraitures of beasts, or (what is yet
" more true) of stone or wood, which have neither
"life, nor feeling, nor reason: for if we may neither
f? worship nor serve the works of God's hand, how
" much less may we worship the works of men's
" hands, and adore them in honour of those whose
" resemblances we say they are ? for if the image
iC you worship is not God, (for not only he who
" serves and honours visible images, but also what-
" soever creature else, whether heavenly or earthly,
ec whether spiritual or corporal, he serves the same
" instead of God, and from it he looks for the sal-
" vation of his soul, which he ought to look for
" from God alone, and is of the number of those, of
" whom the Apostle saith, that they worshipped and
" served the creature more than the Creator,) where-
" fore dost thou bow to false images, and wherefore
" like a slave dost thou bend thy body to pitiful
" shrines, and to the work of men's hands ?
" But mark what the followers of the false religion
" and superstition do allege : they say, it is in com-
" memoration and in honour of our Saviour, that we
" serve, honour, and adore the cross, whom nothing
" pleaseth in our Saviour, but that which was.pleas-
ee ing to the ungodly, viz. the reproach of his passion, 75
" and the token of his death. They witness hereby,
" that they perceive only of him what the wicked
" saw and perceived of him, whether Jews or Hea-
G
82 Remarks upon the
chap. " thens, who do not see his resurrection, and do not
IX' " consider him, but as altogether swallowed up of
" death, without minding what the Apostle saith,
u We know Jesus Christ no longer according to the
« flesh.
" God commands one thing, and these people do
" quite the contrary; God commands us to bear our
" cross, and not to worship it ; but these are all for
" worshipping it; whereas they do not bear it at all,
" neither will they bear it either corporally or spiri-
u tually: to serve God after this manner is to go a
u whoring from him. For if we ought to adore the
" cross, because Christ was fastened to it, how many
" other things are there which touched Jesus Christ,
" and which he made according to the flesh ? Did
" not he continue nine months in the womb of the
" Virgin ? Why do not they then on the same score
" worship all that are virgins, because a virgin
" brought forth Jesus Christ? Why do not they
" adore mangers and old clouts, because he was laid
" in a manger, and wrapped in swaddling clothes ?
" Why do not they adore fisher-boats, because he
" slept in one of them, and preached to the multi-
u tudes, and caused a net to be cast out, wherewith
" was caught a miraculous quantity of fish? Let
" them adore asses, because he entered into Jeru-
" salern upon the foal of an ass ; and lambs, because
" it is written of him, Behold the Lamb of God, that
" taketh away the sins of the world. But these sort
" of men would rather eat live lambs than worship
" their images. Why do not they worship lions, be-
" cause he is called the Lion of the tribe of Judah ?
u or rocks, because it is said, And the Rock was
" Christ? or thorns, because he was crowned with
" them ? or lances, because one of them pierced his
"side?
" All these things are ridiculous, rather to be la-
" mented than set forth in writing: but we are
" forced to set them down, in opposition to fools,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 83
* and to declaim against those hearts of stone, whom chap.
" the arrows and sentences of the word of God can- 1_
" not pierce ; and therefore we are fain to fling such 76
" stones at them. Come to yourselves again, ye
" miserable transgressors; why are you gone astray
<c from truth, and why, being become vain, are ye
" fallen in love with vanity? Why do you crucify
" again the Son of God, and expose him to open
" shame ; and by this means make souls by troops
" to become the companions of devils, estranging
" them from their Creator by the horrible sacrilege
" of your images and likenesses, and precipitating
" them into everlasting damnation ?
" And as for your reproaching me, that I hinder
" men from running in pilgrimage to Rome ; I will
" first demand of you yourself, whether thou know-
" est, that to go to Rome is to repent or do penance ?
" If it be so indeed, why then hast thou for so long
w a time damned so many souls, whom thou hast
u kept up in thy monastery, and whom thou hast
" taken into it, that they might there do penance,
" obliging them to serve thee, instead of sending
" them to Rome, if it be so that the way to do pe-
" nance be to go to Rome, and yet thou hast hin-
" dered them ? What have you to say against this
" sentence, That whosoever shall lay a stone of
" stumbling before any of these little ones, it were
" better for him that a millstone were hung about
" his neck, and he cast into the bottom of the sea ?
" We know very well, that this passage of the
" Gospel is very ill understood ; Thou art Peter, and
" upon this rock will I build my Church; and I will
" give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven:
" under the pretence of which words the stupid and
" ignorant common people, destitute of all spiritual
" knowledge, betake themselves to Rome, in hopes
" of acquiring eternal life : for the ministry does be-
" long to all the true superintendants and pastors of
" the Church, who discharge the same, as long as
g 2
84 Remarks upon the
chap. " they are in this world; and when they have paid
____!__ " the debt of death, others succeed in their places,
cc who enjoy the same authority and power.
77 " Return, O ye blind, to your light ; return to him
" who enlightens every man that cometh into the
" world : all of you, as many as you be, who do not
" keep only to this light, you walk in darkness, and
" know not whither you go ; for the darkness has put
" out your eyes. If we must believe God when he
u promiseth, how much more when he swears, and
" saith, that if Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it,
" (that is, if the saints whom you call upon were
" endowed with as great holiness, as great righteous-
" ness, and as much merit, as these were,) they shall
" neither deliver son nor daughter: and it is for this
" end he makes this declaration, viz. that none
" might put their confidence either in the merits or
" the intercession of saints. Understand ye this, ye
"people without understanding? Ye fools, when
" will ye be wise? ye who run to Rome, to seek
" there for the intercession of an Apostle. What
" think you would St. Augustin say of you, whom
" we have already so often quoted," &c.
" The fifth thing you reproach me for is, that it
" displeaseth thee that the Apostolic Lord (for so you
" are pleased to call the late Pope Paschal deceased)
" had honoured me with this charge; but forasmuch
" as the word Apostolicus dicitur quasi Apostoli
" custos, may intimate as much as the Apostle's
" keeper, know thou, that he only is apostolic, who
" is the keeper and guardian of the Apostle's doc-
" trine, and not he who boasts himself to be seated
" in the chair of the Apostle, and in the mean time
" doth not acquit himself of the charge of the Apo-
" stle ; for the Lord saith, that the Scribes and Pha-
" sees sat in Moses's chair."
Now, because Jonas of Orleans had no other ex-
tracts out of the book of Claudius, besides those that
had been already refuted by Dungalus, a recluse of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 85
the abbey of St. Denys, therefore he confines him- chap.
self to refute the same opinions of Claudius, which x'
he did only in the year 840, about a year after
Claudius's death ; whereupon I desire the reader to
consider, first, that notwithstanding Dungalus and
Jonas did both write by the order of kings, and that
they make mention of a condemnation of Claudius
passed in the palace, yet nothing of all this was 78
able to shake the reputation of Claudius. He wrote
against all these superstitions from the year 823,
and did not die till the year 839; so that for sixteen
years together he was only set upon by some par-
ticular persons, by an obscure and recluse Monk,
who was a stranger to France, and who probably
being an Italian took part with the Church of Rome,
at that time engaged for the worshippers of idols.
Secondly, That the Fathers of the Assembly of
Paris, in the year 825, had justified most of the
principles maintained by Claudius, this great man
having been only engaged to carry the matter far-
ther than they; for being nearer to the diocese of
Rome, he saw the danger so much the nearer, in
which his flock were, of falling into idolatry.
Thirdly, That to go to the bottom of the matter,
Agobardus, Archbishop of Lyons, pushed that point
as far as Claudius himself; as appears from his trea-
tise against pictures. It is a pleasure to see how Fa-
ther Raynaud torments himself to justify Agobardus,
whom the Church of Lyons honours as a saint,
though he has made use of the same arguments
that Claudius did, and given large testimonies of his
being as vigorous an iconoclast as ever Claudius was.
We may therefore assert, without rashness, that either
all the fetches of Baronius and of F. Raynaud are
not sufficient to keep Agobardus in the martyrology
of Lyons ; or, that they serve very profitably, at the
same time, to enrol Claudius in that of the Church
at Turin, as a most holy and most illustrious Bishop,
because of his doctrine, his ardent piety, and the
G 3
86 Remarks upon the
chap. great care he took to oppose the spirit of super-
! — stition, which reigned so much at that time.
Fourthly, After all, we may say, that neither
Dungalus nor Jonas of Orleans maintained the
opinion of the Church of Rome that was then:
Jonas makes mention of the Pope's party, as a party
not wholly cut off from the communion of the
Church ; but his expressions are so sharp, that it
appears he had little better opinion of them. They
condemn all manner of worship of images, and stick
close to the decisions of Francfort, in the year 794>
79 and of Paris, 826, which were diametrically opposite
to the definitions of the iconolatrte, or worshippers
of images, and to the pretensions of the Bishop of
Rome, who had admitted of them.
It was worth our while to take notice of these
opinions of Claudius, and of the manner of his re-
forming his diocese, that we might make it appear,
that he laid solid principles of the Reformation in
those parts, as to several points. And this was the
more necessary, because the Papists, as Genebrard,
in his Chronology, and Rorenco, have owned, that
the valleys of Piedmont, which did belong to the
bishopric of Turin, preserved the opinions of Clau-
dius in the ninth and tenth century.
We ought to observe two things, which very well
deserve an exact reflection ; the first is, that Angil-
bertus, Bishop of Milan, is constantly represented to
us by Ripamontius, by Ughellus, and those who
have wrote the history of that diocese, as one who
began to separate himself from the Pope by a kind
of schism, which they highly lament, as bordering
upon rebellion, which they own to have lasted
above two hundred years. But the case is not so as
they are pleased to represent it to us : the truth is,
that that Prelate preserved his liberty against all the
Pope's endeavours, wherein he was imitated by his
successors, who seem to have had no more value
than he had for the Decretals of the ancient Popes,
ancient Church of Piedmont. SJ
which were foisted in by the care and emissaries of chap.
the Roman see, in order to submit the rights and '
privileges of other Churches to her.
The second is, that though the emulation which
was between the Bishops of Milan and Aquileia was
an occasion of great contests between them, yet we
find, that the diocese of Aquileia was no more united
with that of the Pope, during the time of the con-
troversy concerning the Procession, ex utroque [from
both] under Nicolaus the First, and under Photius.
This appears evidently from a letter of Photius, who
having received at Constantinople a Bishop Legate
from the Archbishop of Aquileia, wrote an answer Auct. No-
to him, as to a man who was wholly of his opinion.™^**527'
Father Combefis has published this letter.
CHAP. X. 80
The faith of the Churches of Italy in the tenth
century.
Jb ORASMUCH as this century was generally de-
voted to ignorance and debauchery, and very barren
of authors, it will be hard for us to inform ourselves
any thing in particular concerning the Churches of
Italy, except only so far as we make our conjectures
of it by considering the condition of other western
Churches, which was as deplorable as can well be
imagined. This is owned by the Papists themselves,
by Caranza, Genebrard, Baronius, and many more,
who describe this tenth century as a monstrous age. Tom. 2.
Indeed, we can scarce expect that it should have^^'161,
been better at that time, if we consider the furious
wars that wasted this diocese, as well by reason of
the invasion of the Huns, as by the divisions hap-
G4
88 Remarks upon the
chap, pening between several princes, who endeavoured to
make themselves masters of that part of Italy, after
the death of Charles the Great.
But Providence has preserved us two authors of
this diocese ; the one is Ratherius, who alone might
have been sufficient to inform us very exactly about
the state of Italy. This Ratherius, Bishop of Verona,
who, from being a monk in the abbey of Lobe, near
to Liege, was advanced to the see of Verona, in the
year 928, and being chased from thence in 932. was
made Bishop of Liege in the year 954, and died in
974; so that he was Bishop during the most part of
the tenth century.
Sigebertus informs us that the heresy of the An-
thropomorphites began to appear again in the dio-
cese of Italy during his pontificate, and that he was
obliged to write against them. And indeed we find
a large digression of Ratherius upon this occasion in
his first sermon of Lent. He observes, that the
Priests of the diocese of Vicenza were of this opin-
ion, which they grounded upon the following pas-
81 sages of Scripture, Ps. xxxiii. 16. Job x. 8. and Gen.
i. 26. He acknowledges, that other people of his dio-
cese were of the same opinion, and that they could
no otherwise conceive the existence of God. He
ingenuously confessed], that this belief was grown
in the minds of the people, because in the pictures
and images they saw God seated like a king, on a
throne, and the angels, in the shape of men with
wings, arrayed in white. Behold here the happy
effect of images upon an ignorant people, and what
may be expected from these sort of books, which
the Prophet Habakkuk so justly calls the teachers
of lies.
He gives us an account in the same sermon of a
very pleasant fancy of the people of his diocese :
they believed that St. Michael the archangel cele-
brated the Mass of the second J'eria ; whence they
ancient Church of Piedmont 89
were persuaded, that the Mass of St. Michael, called chap.
the second feria, was far more excellent than any
other Mass whatsoever. It is worth our observing,
how he confutes this fantastical opinion. First, he
maintains from Rev. xxi. 22. that there is no temple
in heaven. Secondly, he proves, that the angels
cannot celebrate Mass, because we ought not to be-
lieve, that the angels eat or drink corporeal bread
and wine ; and that Jesus Christ is only called the
Bread of angels, because they are nourished with
his praises, as with food. Be it as it will, it appears
very plainly, that neither this gross people, nor
their Bishops, who endeavoured to disabuse them,
were very well informed of the mysteries of the
Church of Rome ; for otherwise, why doth not this
good Bishop tell his people, that the angels were
not capable of the character of Priesthood ? How
could he object to them, that the angels cannot eat
or drink corporeal bread and wine, but the substance
of the body and blood of Jesus Christ, which exist
therein in the manner of a spirit ? Is it any contra-
diction to suppose, that spirits may truly receive a
body which exists after the manner of a spirit ? It
is very plain, that though, may be, he might have
embraced some of the hypotheses of Paschasius,
which, through the stupidity of that people, were
swallowed down by little and little, yet he did not
know the whole of it. It was necessary, that Lan-
franc, Guitmond, and Alger should make an end of 8 2
licking this bear into some shape, as being but half
formed by its author, when at first it was brought
forth.
But not to insist longer on this, I observe two
things : the first is, that this author, who had been
brought up in a strange country, and who probably
had brought along with him his notions from thence,
seems in divers points to follow the doctrine of Pas-
chasius upon this question. The second is, that not-
withstanding that, he doth up and down make use
90 Remarks upon the
hap. of a number of notions and expressions, which di-
rectly oppose and overthrow it.
p. 258. On the one hand he tells the Priests of his dio-
cese, in his Synodical Epistle, Paranda cordium nos-
trorum habitacula, venturo ad nos, per corporis et
sanguinis sui substantiam, Christo : " We ought to
" prepare the habitations of our heart for Christ,
" who is to come into us, by the substance of his
" body and blood."
p. 259. And on the other hand he tells us, that wicked
Priests eat the goat, and not the lamb; which is
also the expression of Odo Cluniacensis, who lived
at the same time. An altogether incomprehensible
expression in the mouth of a man that believes tran-
substantiation.
p. 181. In his treatise of the Contempt of the Canons,
par. 1. he quotes a passage of Zeno, Bishop of Ve-
rona, which overthrows transubstantiation. It is
found in a sermon concerning Judah and Thamar,
in these words : Omnium corrupt e viventium Dia-
bolus pater est; et O quam non manducat verendam
carnem Domini, nee bibit ejus sanguinem, in quo
Diabolus per tria ista vitia, hoc est, superbiam, hy-
pocrisin, atque luxuriam requiescit, licet communi-
care cum Jidelibus videatur, Domino dicente, Qui
manducat meam carnem, et bibit meum sanguinem,
in me manet, et ego in eo. Cum et per conversionem
it a hocpossit resolvi; Qui in me manet, et ego in eo,
ipse manducat carnem meam, et bibit sanguinem
meum. In quo enim Deus manet, et ipse in Deo,
quomodo in eo Diabolus dormire possit non video:
dormit vero in eo qui per hypocrisin vel elationem
umbrosus et vacuus, per luxuriam existit humectus.
Quid ergo manducat, quando communicat? Judi-
cium si respondes, Apostolo connives, et intelligere
me pariter commones, quia pro eo judicabitur, id est,
83 damnabitur, quia cum indignus existeret, Christi est
ausus carnem manducare, et sanguinem bibere ; ac
propter ea quod debuerat illifore salvatio, est factum
ancient Church of Piedmont, 91
damnatio. De substantia vero corporali quam sumit, chap.
cum sit mea nunc qucestio, mihi nunc quoque ipsi
loquar, it a succumbo; cum sit enim digne sumenti
vera caro, panis licet quod olim fuerat videatur, et
sanguis, quod vinum ; indigne sumenti, id est, non in
Deo manenti, quid sit, nedum dicibile, incogitabile,
fateor, mihi; et, Altiora te ne qucesieris, et profun-
diora te ne scrutatus fueris, dictum put are hinc quo-
que mihi. " The Devil is the father of all those that
" live wickedly: and O how far is he from eating
" the venerable body of our Lord, and drinking
" his blood, in whom the Devil rests, by means of
" these three vices, pride, hypocrisy, and luxury,
" though he may seem to communicate with the
" faithful ? Our Lord telling us, He who eats my
"flesh, and drinks my blood, abides in me, and I in
" him : which words may be translated thus ; He
" who abides in me, and I in him, he it is that eats
" my flesh and drinks my blood. For he in whom
". God abides, and he in God, how the Devil can take
" up his rest in such an one, I see not : but the Devil
" doth rest in him, who by reason of hypocrisy
" and pride is shadowy and empty, and dissolved by
" luxury. What then doth such an one eat, when
" he communicates ? If thou answer est, judgment,
(i thou agreest with the Apostle, and puttest me in
" mind to understand, that he shall therefore be
"judged, that is, condemned, because, being un-
" worthy, he durst venture to eat Christ's flesh and
" drink his blood ; and therefore that which was to
" have been his salvation, is become his damnation.
" But whereas my inquiry at present is concerning
" the bodily substance he receives, I must now an-
" swer myself, and own that here I am at a loss ; for
" since it is true flesh to the worthy receiver, though
" it be the bread it was before, and blood, which yet
" is wine ; what it is to the unworthy receiver, that
" is, to him who abides not in God, is so far, I con-
92 Remarks upon the
chap. " fess, from being expressible, tbat it is altogether
x> " unconceivable by me ; and therefore in this case I
" ought to take that word as spoke to me, Do not
" seek after things too high for thee, nor search out
" things too deep for thee."
84 This seems to be very full ; and yet, p. 182, he
seems to believe with Paschasius, that it is the flesh
of Jesus Christ, whosoever he be that receives it.
But after all, the good man refers himself to the be-
lief of St. Chrysostom, who calls the Sacrament a
spiritual food, and to that of St. Austin, Tract. 6l et
62 in Johan. vid. p. 304.
Thus in his first Easter sermon, he supposeth,
that the flesh of Jesus Christ is not received by the
wicked, p. 310; and in his fourth sermon on the
same subject, he asserts the contrary, p. 322.
Whatsoever may be his opinion in this matter in
those writings I have before produced, he seems
to have spoken more plainly in favour of the real
change of the Eucharist of the body and blood of
Christ, in his Epistle published by D'Achery, in the
twelfth tome of his Spicileghim: but at the same
time he gives this advantage, that he furnisheth us
with a new defender of that figurative sense in the
words of the Eucharist ; for he clearly attributes to
his friend, to whom he wrote, that he took the words
in no other sense than as they are understood by the
Protestants ; upon which it is natural to take notice
of two things ; the first, that the disciples of Pas-
chasius have had great trouble to oppose directly the
opinion of St. Austin, who lays it down always, that
only the faithful receive the body of Jesus Christ.
Edit. Paris. The other is, that Gaufridus Vindocinensis is per-
p.2/7. haps the first who taught clearly (about the year
1 100) that the wicked receive the body of Christ, as
well as the faithful, against the constant doctrine
of St. Austin, Tract. 26. in Johan.
We ought not to forget, that in his Perpendicular
ancient Church of Piedmont. 93
Volume, p. 183, he attributes the force of the conse- chap.
cration to prayer; which the Church of Rome at
present condemns.
We may easily judge, that the Communion under v. 258, 262,
both kinds was in vogue at that time; as appears ^l2\ %2q
from several places of his works. 33<>-
But we are to observe, concerning this matter, p. 261.
first, that he expressly forbids private masses.
Secondly, That they kept still the custom, not top.264,282,
communicate on fast days, except in the afternoon,283,
because the Communion broke the fast ; so little
were they of opinion at that time, that the substance 85
of the bread and wine was lost and vanished by
means of the consecration.
Thirdly, That the custom of giving the Eucharist P-260.
to laics, in order to carry it to the sick, was not yet
abolished, though it began then to be condemned.
It is evident enough how much these articles op-
pose the belief of the Church of Rome- We may
see, that the Church at that time did not take the
Eucharist to be a sacrifice, since she believed that
it could not be celebrated without communicants.
The Church did not believe it to be only an heap of
accidents, because she believed, that the taking of
the Sacrament did break the fast. The Church of
Rome could not leave the Sacrament in the hands
of laics, after she had once made it the object of
her adoration.
But let us proceed to other articles about the Sa-
craments: seeing that Ratherius lays down eight
deadly sins, we may guess from thence, that he was
not acquainted with the seven Sacraments of the
Church of Rome, which have a reference to the
seven sins, as the modern Divines of that commu-
nion assure us.
True it is, that he speaks of anointing the sickP.260.
but as of an unction which was administered before
the Communion of dying men, which has been
prudently altered in the Pontificate Romanum, since
94 Remarks upon the
chap, they have thought fit to own Extreme Unction for
' the last of their Sacraments.
p. 262. As to Baptism, and its necessity, it appears by his
Synodical Epistle, that he was against having the
custom abrogated of baptizing only on Easter-day
and Whitsunday, except in case of necessity, that is,
danger of death.
As to the matter of penance, he would have the
Priests invite the people to it, and that they
may impose penances upon those who commit
some secret sins ; but he reserves to himself the
power to impose penance upon public sinners ;
which shews that the ancient discipline was yet in
p. 262, 264, practice: and he would have the Priests of his dio-
265, cese to be furnished with a Penitential, that they
might follow the Canons thereof: so far was he
from owning them for absolute judges, who could
pronounce without appeal.
86 He did indeed believe Purgatory, but after an-
other manner than the Church of Rome doth: for
he saith expressly, that it is only for slighter sins;
whereas, according to the Papists, it is also appointed
p. 290. for the temporal pain of mortal sins: Purgatorii
poena non est statuta pro criminibus, sed pro pec-
catis levioribus, qua utique per lignum, foenum, et
stipulam designantur: " The punishment of purga-
" tory is not appointed for crimes, but for lighter sins,
" which are intimated by wood, hay, and stubble."
We shall now proceed to the examining of some
other points, the better to inform ourselves of the
state of this Church of Italy during the tenth cen-
tury.
First, They believed that all Bishops in general
were St. Peter's successors. Ratherius is very ex-
p. 164. press in this case : Petri omnes Episcopi vicem te-
nent in Ecclesiis; " All Bishops are Peters vice-
" gerents in their Churches," and p. l68, 169, 173,
and 229.
Secondly, They did not believe that the Pope had
ancient Church of Piedmont. 95
power to remove Bishops from one bishopric to an- chap.
other. The translation of Ratherius from the see of x*
Liege was done by order from the Emperor, and of p. in.
a Council of Italy, assembled at Verona.
Thirdly, They were very sensible of the inconve-
nience of the sovereignty which the Pope endea-
voured to usurp over the Church. See what Ra-
therius speaks of it: Si Papa Jit nequam, perjurus^.uz.
adulter, venator, ebriosus, quidjiet de quarimoniis ad
ipsum delatisP Ridebit querulos,favebit sibi simili-
bus: " If the Pope should prove a wicked man, per-
" jured, an adulterer, a hunter, a drunkard, what will
" become of the complaints made to him ? He will
" laugh at those that complain, and favour those
" that are like himself."
Fourthly, They without fear laughed at the Pope's
excommunications and his anathemas, of which he
began already to be very liberal. Ratherius gives us an
instance of it in his Apologetic ; De quodam Clerico p. 231.
venalem illam, ut ait Salustius, adiens urbem, pretio,
ut omnia antiquitus, ibi emptas quasi apostolicas de-
ferens chartas anathematis tarn me, quam succes-
sores omnimodis meos mulctavit mucrone ; ut quivis
abhinc Episcoporum si de Clericorum se infra mit-%1
teret rebus, perpetuo, ut aiunt, anathemate foret
damnatus: " Concerning one of the Clergy, who
" going to that city where all things were to be sold,
" as Salust expresses it, and bringing along with him
" the apostolical letters, bought for money, as of old,
" he smote me, as well as all my successors, with the
" edge of the anathematical sword ; so that any Bi-
" shop from henceforward, that shall meddle with
(i any matters concerning the Clergy, must expect
" to be condemned by a perpetual anathema." We
may see how he refutes this piece of folly.
Fifthly, They were yet in a doubt whether the
title of Universal did of right belong to the Bishop
of Rome: Vestra Paternitatis provolvens genibus,p.246.
Domine venerandissime, Archipr<esul, Archiepiscope,
96 Remarks upon the
chap, et, si de ullo mortalium jure dici possit, Universalis
' Papa nominande: " Prostrating myself at the knees
u of your Paternity, most reverend Lord, Archpre-
a late, Archbishop, and if it may of right be said of
" any mortal, Universal Pope." Ratherius being
banished from his Church, gives us a very ludicrous
p. 252. notion of it: Ait, Tcedet me esse Universalem Episco-
pum, id est, gyrovagum, et sine sede; " It troubles
" me," saith he, " to be an Universal Bishop, that is,
" a wanderer about, without a see."
Sixthly, He appealed indeed to the Pope, con-
cerning the unjust oppression he endured ; but he
appealed also at the same time to the Councils of
P. 253. Gaul, of Italy, and of Germany.
Seventhly, He takes notice that he did not go to
Rome out of devotion, because it is said, John iv.
21. The hour cometh, when ye shall neither in this
mountain, nor yet at Jerusalem, &c. but that he
might be present at the Synod.
Some other points worth our observing are,
First, He deplores the general contempt of the
Canons of the Church ; a neglect which reigned
P. 168. from the Pope to the meanest of the people ; Luget
genera lem, contemptum Canonum a laico ad Sum-
mum (pro nefas!) Pontificem.
p. 188. He chargeth the Italians with being the most
88 corrupt of all, by reason of their greater proneness
to debauchery and vice ; that the Doctors there ne-
glected all discipline, insomuch as the Clergy did in
nothing differ from the laity, but in their habits,
p. 218. Secondly, He observes, that most of the Clergy
were either sodomites or adulterers : Quam perdita
tonsatorum universitas tota, si nemo in eis qui non
adulter out sit out arsenoquita! " How profligate
" is the whole crew of shavelings, when there is
" none among them that is not either an adulterer
" or a sodomite !"
p. 241. Thirdly, As for simony, it was so common, that
he writes to the Bishop of Parma, to desire him to
ancient Church of Piedmont. 97
confer orders upon children for money no more, as chap.
be was wont to do. Manasses, Bishop of Milan,,
who had five bishoprics, sold that of Verona, and p. 249, 250.
turned out Ratherius.
Fourthly, He takes notice of such extreme igno- p. 270.
ranee in the Priests of his diocese, that they could
not so much as say the Apostles' Creed. And he
chargeth his Priests, in his Synodical Epistle, to be
able to say it without book, together with that of
St. Athanasius.
Fifthly, He observes, that both Priests and people
were Anthropomorphites.
Sixthly, He cannot dissemble the way which p. 289.
some of his Priests took to deceive souls, by main-
taining that none that had been baptized could ever
be damned.
Seventhly, Lastly he exclaims, that Christianity
was perished and gone : Vera quo evasisti Christi-
anitasP "True Christianity, whither art thou fled?"
And he declares, that his time was that of which p. 189
the Apostle spoke when he said, that many should
depart from the faith.
This good Ratherius, in truth, had his share of
the ignorance that reigned in his time, as well as of
the superstition that had already seized upon many
in Italy. Which ignorance of his appears,
1. In that he admits for true the false Decretals,
which the Popes had foisted in, to subject all the
world to themselves.
2. By his finding fault with the ordination of89
those persons who had been married more thanP169«
once, as supposing they were forbid by the Apostle.
3. By his lamenting the liberty which was given p. 170, 179.
to the Clergy to marry.
4. In that he joins the married Bishops with p. 172.
the most corrupt and profligate of that order.
5. By his charging the Clergy with a great crime,
for having refused to obey the edict of the Emperor,
which condemned the marriage of Ecclesiastics,
H
98 Remarks upon the
chap. 6. From his falsely pretending that marriage had
' been forbid to Ministers by the third Canon of the
p. 217. Council of Nice ; whereas they maintained that they
ought to use matrimony, to avoid falling into those
enormous crimes which St. Paul hath set down
in his first chapter of the Epistle to the Romans.
p. 236. 7- From his expelling the married Monks out of
his abbey, and placing Canons in their place.
8. From his prescribing some fasts to a woman
that had married a Priest, without dissolving the
marriage, or declaring it void.
9- From his commanding laics to abstain from
their wives, and from flesh, twenty-eight days before
Advent, and twenty days before Christmas.
10. From his severely blaming those who, instead
of fasting forty days, fasted only twenty.
The second author that can give us any inform-
ation concerning the state of the diocese of Italy, is
Atto, Bishop of Verceil, who, as Ughellus tells us,
flourished about the middle of the tenth century.
D'Achery has published several of his pieces in his
Spic'rfegium, torn. viii.
Cap. 4. We find in the Capitulary, which he addressed to
the Priests of his diocese, almost all borrowed from
that of Theodulphus, who was an Italian born, that
he charged them to learn Athanasius's Creed, as a
short compendium of the faith, upon pain of inter-
diction from wine for forty days ; and to explain the
Apostles' Creed to those that demanded Baptism;
but doth not speak to them at all of other doctrines
taught at present, as another part of religion.
90 He forbids the celebration of Masses without any
Cap. 7. communicants, and shews them that this is contrary
to the Canon of the Liturgy.
Cap.23,24. He very severely condemns the custom of burying
in churches ; as likewise that of selling places to
bury the dead in : though this custom was at first
introduced by an opinion, that the dead received
some help from the prayers of their relations.
ancient Church, of Piedmont. 99
He absolutely forbids the ordination of Priests chap.
without title ; which shews that he did not look x'
upon the trade of sacrificing the body of Jesus Cap. 30.
Christ to be so necessary and authorized, that for it
he ought to dispense with the Canons, which are
now laid aside, since the doctrine of the sacrifice of
the Mass is come in request.
He commands the Clergy to work with their Cap. 57.
hands, after reading and prayer; which some ages
after was condemned in the Waldenses ; though
therein he follows Theodulphus and the Rule of St.
Bennet.
He will not have any thing read in the church, Cap. 58.
save the books of the Old and New Testament, and
permits the passions of the martyrs to be read only
on their anniversaries.
He condemns the custom of making baths of holy Cap. 59.
water, which was introduced into that country.
He hath one chapter about the case of the Eu-Cap.74,
charist that is fallen down, and concerning him that75*
vomits again after three days ; which plainly shews,
that they supposed it to nourish really and truly,
notwithstanding that it was consecrated bread.
It appears evidently, that public penance had not Cap. 90.
yet given place to the practice of confession to
Priests ; which has wholly abolished all the disci-
pline of the Church of Rome.
He makes an extract of the Rule of St. Bennet,
concerning the moral part of the Gospel ; to which
there is no Protestant but would be very willing to
subscribe, as containing nothing of the spirit of
monkery or of superstition.
He reduceth the matters of faith, which believers 91
ought to know, to the Lord's Prayer, according to Cap. 97.
the Council of Forojulio, which I have already cited.
He maintains, according to the Canons of the Cap. 100.
Church of Rome, that the Scriptures are the found-
ation of religion, and doth not admit of the writ-
h 2
100 Remarks upon the
chap, ings of the Fathers, but with this caution; Try all
_J things, holdfast that which is good: and according
to the Canon of Gelasius I. he ranks several books
amongst the apocryphal writings, from whence the
Church of Rome, some ages after, has borrowed
divers shreds to stuff out her Breviary, and their
lives of saints.
p. 45. We may now take a view of his doctrine in his
treatise of the Judgments of Bishops. He maintains,
that the Church is founded on the confession of the
apostolic faith, and that she subsists by the faith and
love of Jesus Christ, by the receiving of the Sacra-
ments, and by the observation of our Saviour's pre-
cepts. All the rest of that discourse, wherein he
highly exalts the power of the Pope of Rome, is a
plain sign that he was trepanned into the snare,
which had been set a hundred and fifty years be-
fore, by a supposititious obtrusion of the false De-
cretals of ancient Popes, the end of which was to ap-
propriate the cognizance of the trials of Bishops
to the Pope, under pretence of preventing their op-
pression. In particular, he shews himself very angry
against those who obliged the Bishops to terminate
the quarrels they had with laics, by providing a
champion to fight it out for them.
p. 50. He pretends that the Scripture of the New Testa-
ment does absolutely forbid Christians to swear;
which constitutes one of the errors of the Wal-
denses.
p. 55, 56. He maintains, according to the doctrine of St.
Ambrose, that it is not lawful for Bishops to take up
arms, no, not for the Church's interest ; which the
Popes have practised but very badly.
p. 63. He seems to suppose, that the order of Bishops,
and that of Presbyters, were not two different orders
in St. Paul's time, and that they were distinguished
afterwards.
p. 64. 92 He asserts, that laics have right to judge of the
ancient Church of' Piedmont. 101
behaviour of Bishops, as it is their right to have a chap.
share in their election. .
He employs a whole treatise to confound the dis-
order which reigned at that time in the election of
Bishops, as having no regard either to their charity
or faith, but to the nobleness of their blood, and
electing many that were yet mere children.
He declares in one of his letters, that some here-Epist.2.
sies were already crept into his diocese, which he
had already hinted in the forty-eighth chapter of his
Capitulary; and he seems to point at a branch of
the Manichean heresy.
He shews, that in his diocese they would not fast
on Saturdays ; which he finds fault with, notwith-
standing the Saturday's fast was not known in St.
Ambrose's time, in the diocese of Milan.
He quotes a law of the Lombards, to shew that
the marriage of a godson with his godmother was
unlawful ; and the definition he afterwards gives of
marriage shews that he knew nothing of its being
a sacrament.
He maintains, that the she-priests, of whom men-
tion is made in the Canons, were the primitive Dea-
conesses, that they had power to teach in public,
and that formerly they were employed to baptize
maids or women ; which Priests had married wives
before they had received Orders, from whom they
were to abstain afterwards.
Whoever will reflect upon what I have here said,
and upon several other matters that might be ob-
served, will easily judge, that both truth and piety
began to decrease in this diocese, and that error and
superstition, by little and little, began to take their
places, in spite of the opposition of those whom
God had raised up to stop their progress : however,
the essentials of religion still continued there, not-
withstanding these growing corruptions.
h 3
102 Remarks upon the
93 CHAP. XI.
An inquiry into the opinions of Gundulphus and
his followers, before the year 1026.
T.]3.sPic.D'ACHERY has published a Synod, which was
held at Arras, by Gerard, Bishop of Cambray and
Arras, in the year of our Lord 1025; by which it
doth appear, that Gundulphus had taught several
doctrines in Italy, which had been carried by his
disciples into the diocese of Liege and of Cambray
in the Low Countries. This Synod having been
held in the year 1025, we may easily judge that
Gundulphus had a great number of disciples in
Italy. The account Gerard gives to Reginaldus,
Bishop of Liege, concerning the examination of
these Italians, takes notice, First, That they had ap-
peared before Reginaldus, who had examined them
about their opinions, and had sent them back with-
out condemning them. Secondly, That even then
they employed the terror of punishments, against
those who were suspected of heresy, to which Gerard
attributes the seeming piety those Italians made
shew of: we may also gather this from Glaber, 1. 4.
c. 2. where he speaks of a certain heresy discovered
in Italy, and cruelly persecuted by the Bishops and
the nobility of that country. Thirdly, That they
sent their disciples up and down to multiply the
number of their followers, and that indeed they had
withdrawn many from the opinions of Paschasius
Ratbertus, which insensibly began to be established.
Fourthly, That Gerard did in vain make use of vio-
lence, to make them confess their belief; and that
he could not come to know it, but by those who
had been gained by them. Fifthly, That he only
gives an account in part of their opinions. What
may be gathered from Gerard's preface to Reginal-
dus, is this :
94 First, They own themselves to be the disciples of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 103
one Gundulphus, who had instructed them concern- chap.
ing the evangelical and apostolical doctrine ; that they '_
received no other doctrine, and that they practised
the same verbo et opere, " in word and deed."
But since it had been reported to Gerard, that
they abhorred Baptism, that they rejected the Sa-
. crament of the body and blood of our Saviour, that
they denied the use of penance after sin, that they
made void the Church, that they detested lawful
marriages, that they owned no virtue in the holy
confessors, and that they pretended that the Apo-
stles only and Martyrs were to be reverenced ; we
find, that being interrogated upon these heads by
Gerard, they answered distinctly, as follows :
First, To that which the Bishop told them, that
Jesus Christ had established the necessity of Bap-
tism, John iii. Except a man he horn again, &c.
they answer, Lex et disciplina nostra quam a magi-
stro accepimus, nee evangelicis decretis, nee aposto-
licis sanctionihus contra ire videbitur, si quis earn
diligenter velit intueri. Hac namque hujusmodi
est, mundum relinquere, carnem a concupiscentiis
fr&nare, de laborious manuum suarum victum pa-
rare, nulli IcBsionem queer ere, charitatem cunctis
quos zelus hujus nostri propositi teneat, exhibere.
Servata igitur hac justitia, nullum opus esse Baptis-
mi; pr&varicata vero ista, Baptismum ad nullam
prqficere salutem. Hac est nostra justificationis
summa, ad quam nihil est quod Baptismi urns su-
peraddere possit, cum omnis apostolica et evange-
lica institutio hujusmodi fine claudatur. Si quis
aytem in Baptismate aliquod dicat latere Sacra-
mentum, hoc tribus ex causis evacuatur: Una, quia
vita reproba Ministrorum baptizandis nullum potest
prcebere salutis remedium. Altera, quia quidquid
vitiorum in fonte renuntiatur, postmodum in vita
repetitur. Tertia, quia ad parvulum non volentem,
neque current em, fidei nescium, su&que salutis atque
utilitatis ignarum,, in quern, nulla regenerations
h 4
104 Remarks upon the
chap, petitio, nulla jidei potest inessse confessio, aliena
X1, voluntas* aliena Jides, aliena confessio nequaquam
pertinere videtur: K The law and discipline we have
" received from our master will not appear contrary
" either to the Gospel decrees or apostolical insti-
" tutions, if carefully looked into. This discipline
" consists in leaving the world, in bridling carnal
95 " concupiscence, in providing a livelihood by the
" labour of our hands, in hurting nobody, and afford-
" ing our charity to all who are zealous in the pro-
" secution of this our design. Now if this righteous-
" ness be observed, there will be no need of Baptism ;
" and if broken, Baptism cannot avail to salvation.
" This is the sum of our justification, to which the
" use of Baptism can superadd nothing, since this is
" the end of all apostolical and evangelical insti-
" tutions. But if any shall say, that some sacra-
" ment lies hid in Baptism, the force of that is taken
" off by these three causes : the first is, Because the
" reprobate life of Ministers can afford no saving re-
" medy to the persons to be baptized. The second,
" Because whatsoever sins are renounced at the font,
" are afterwards taken up again in life and practice.
" The third, Because a strange will, a strange faith,
" and a strange confession do not seem to belong to,
" or be of any advantage to a little child, who nei-
" ther wills nor runs, who knows nothing of faith,
" and is altogether ignorant of his own good and
" salvation, in whom there can be no desire of re-
" generation, and from whom no confession of faith
" can be expected."
It appears by the Bishop's answer, wherein theje
are some good arguments to establish the necessity
of Baptism, that these Italians were fallen upon
these opinions, to put themselves at a greater dis-
tance from the maxims of their Priests, which I have
taken notice of where I mention the belief of Ra-
therius. There is one thing observable about their
other reasons ; which is, that the Bishop objects to
ancient Church of Piedmont. 105
them, in order to persuade them of the necessity of chap.
Baptism, the custom of washing one another's feet, L_
which they called mandatum; whence it is easy to
judge, that they looked upon Baptism only as a
mystical ceremony, the end of which was, to express
the engagement of him who is baptized, and the vow
he makes to live holily; which made them not to
set any great value upon it, and to oppose them-
selves against the notion of the absolute necessity of
Baptism, without which, the Priests of those times
believed there was no attaining to salvation ; as well
as against the pretended efficacy of Baptism, so that 9^
whosoever received it could not fail of salvation.
The second head, upon which Gerard examined
them, was the article of the carnal presence of Jesus
Christ in the Eucharist ; he refutes their objections,
which he makes to himself. The one is, That the
body of Jesus Christ is in heaven since his ascen-
sion. The other, That the bodily eating of the body
of Jesus Christ cannot profit, because Jesus Christ
himself hath declared in the sixth of St. John, that
thejlesh prqfiteth nothing. The third is, That the
body of Jesus Christ would no longer continue to be
one entire body, being divided through so many
places, and found in so many churches.
The chief heads of his answers to these objec-
tions are made up of apparitions, which he had ex-
tracted out of Paschasius's book; which plainly
shews, that the Italians did not reject the sacrament
of the Eucharist, but the doctrine of Paschasius,
which began then to be established, though it met
with great contradictions in the diocese of Italy,
where Abbot Gezo had revived it, by publishing a
book upon that subject ; whereof Mabillon has
given us an extract in his Iter Italicum.
The third article concerns the consecration of
churches : it appears, that they believed nothing of
these sanctifications, which were attributed to sacred
edifices and altars; but pretended that the prayers
106 Remarks upon the
chap, they made in the houses were no less agreeable to
(rod j than if they had been made in the churches.
The reason of this shyness they expressed to
churches is evident, from their reproaching the
idolatry that was practised in them in point of
images and other matters.
The fourth is about the altar, to which they re-
fused to bow, or shew any reverence, as the prac-
tice was then, after it was consecrated with holy oil ;
which is an evident sign that the thing they struck
at was these consecrations, which they accused as
superstitious : so far were they from looking upon
them as a just motive to exhibit any honour or re-
spect to the material things that had received them.
97 The fifth is of the same kind, concerning those
censings which were then used in imitation of the
ceremonies of the Mosaical law; the unction with
oil, practised upon those that were possessed, sick
persons, and Catechumeni; and the anointing of
Bishops and Priests at their consecration.
The sixth is about bells ; they finding fault with
the virtue which was attributed to their sound, viz.
of driving away tempests and the Devil's power.
The seventh article concerns the different orders
of Ministers ; these Italians being accused of reject-
ing them, because they gave the imposition of hands
in private, and blamed the Ministry, such as it was
received in the western Church ; and that by this
means they took upon them ecclesiastical functions,
being themselves secular persons.
The eighth is about burial in consecrated places,
which these Italians looked upon only as an effect
of the covetousness of Priests, who could imagine
no other advantage in being buried in holy places,
but that of selling them the dearer to the people,
whom they had abused by this notion of holiness
inherent in one place more than another.
The ninth respects penance after Baptism, which,
according to Gerard's accusation of them, they re-
ancient Church of Piedmont . \0^
jected; which seems to agree with the opinion of chap.
the Novatians : but we may easily judge that the XL
thing they chiefly struck at were those penal works
which began then to be imposed, as in order to sa-
tisfy the Divine justice.
This appears more clearly from the tenth article,
which shews that what they struck at were customs
and usages of the Church of Rome. Thus he ac-
cuses them of asserting, that penance was of no use
after death ; whereas Gerard maintains, that the
works of the living, alms, masses, and the satisfac-
tions which persons imposed upon themselves for
the dead, were indeed of great efficacy for the
salvation of the deceased. It appears clearly, from
the proofs of Gerard, that they struck at the doc-
trine of purgatory, and those practices which this
belief had introduced into the Church.
The eleventh article accuseth them for looking 98
upon lawful marriage as an abomination, and a
state wherein it was impossible to be saved.
The twelfth article accuseth them for refusing to
give any veneration to confessors, and reserving it
only for Apostles and Martyrs ; and for maintaining,
that there was no virtue in the dead bodies of
saints, after they are once returned to dust ; which
Gerard refutes by an examination of the miracles
performed by every Bishop of his diocese, before
the people brought to the tombs the marks of their
veneration of any confessors.
The thirteenth article accuseth them for rinding
fault with the singing of Psalms, which was then re-
ceived in the Church, under a pretence that those
that so made use of them were thereby obliged
sometimes to curse themselves, by their repeating
the imprecations contained in the said Psalms.
The fourteenth article was about their refusing to
reverence the cross, maintaining that it had no vir-
tue at all, as being only a work of mens hands.
The fifteenth article concerned the image of our
108 Remarks upon the
chap. Saviour on the cross, that of the blessed Virgin, and
those of the saints and angels, &c. which they re-
fused to worship.
The sixteenth respects the obedience which they
were said to refuse to the Ministers of the Church,
to Bishops, Archdeacons, Deans, and Propositi ;
the model of which government they pretended to
derive from the angelical hierarchy treated of by
Dionysius the Areopagite.
The seventeenth concerns the righteousness they
arrogated to themselves because of their good works,
as if they had renewed the doctrine of Pelagius ; to
which Gerard opposeth the notions of St. Austin,
and the necessity of adhering to the doctrine of
the Church of Rome, as being that which St. Peter
preached at Rome, and which his successors have
propagated throughout all the west.
99 These are the opinions which Gerard made these
Italians abjure, who, as the Acts of the Synod tell
us, were convinced and confounded by the refutation
he had made of their errors. The Acts of the Synod
contain the abjuration of these opinions. They ac-
quaint us moreover, that these Italians, pretending
not to understand the contents of this excommu-
nication, because it was writ in Latin, it was ex-
plained to them in Italian, and they were made to
sign it, and to set a sign of the cross before their
names.
It is worth our observing,
First, That what they were made to own was not
subscribed by them, till after they had been three
days in prison ; having been committed by order of
the Bishop.
Secondly, That all this confession was extorted
by fear of punishment, wherewith they had been
threatened at Liege, and afterwards at Arras.
Thirdly, That it seems not altogether improbable,
that they differed about some of these opinions
amongst themselves, as may be very naturally ga-
ancient Church of Piedmont, 109
thered from the history of the following ages, and chap.
yet they are all involved in the same excommuni-
cation : thus without fear did they treat people who
did not understand Latin, and who were obliged to
express their mind by interpreters.
Fourthly, That they were not made to confess any
thing that savours of Manicheism, except the matter
of marriage.
Fifthly, That the errors whereof they were ac-
cused seem to take their birth from an inclination
very natural to the mind of man, who is very prone
to cast himself upon the opposite extremity, whilst
he endeavours to separate himself from errors. St.
Cyprian rebaptized those who had been baptized by
heretics ; Stephen received the Baptism of all here-
tics without distinction. Several dioceses were di-
vided amongst themselves, by reason of these con-
trary practices above eighty years, until the conven-
ing of the first Council of Aries, which yet was not
able wholly to compose this difference. Gundulphus 100
seeing them assert, that whosoever was baptized
could never be damned, falls to an indifference for
Baptism, thinking it sufficient to keep to the essen-
tials of that sacrament. And the same we are to
suppose of their Anabaptism, and some other of
their articles.
Sixthly, That we find in this their doctrine the
substance of those articles, which the Waldenses
have condemned in the faith and worship of the
Church of Rome.
Seventhly, And as to the imputation of their find-
ing fault with the hierarchy of the Church, this
proceeded indeed from nothing else, but from the
abuse which was then so customary in the western
Churches, and of Italy in particular, as I have just
now made out concerning the tenth century; and
the multiplication of ecclesiastical offices into so
many different orders appeared to them to be very
opposite to the institutions of the primitive Church.
110 Remarks upon the
chap. This being laid down, I say we have already
found a body of men in Italy, before the year 1026,
who believed contrary to the opinions of the Church
of Rome, and who highly condemned their errors ;
a body of men which sent its members about into
divers places, to oppose themselves to the supersti-
tions that reigned throughout all the west.
I shall, in the sequel of this discourse, shew the
reason why they were accused of being mere secu-
lars ; and shall make it appear, that at the bottom
this was nothing else but a pure calumny, founded
upon an unjust prejudice.
101 CHAP. XII.
Reflections upon some practices of the Churches of
the diocese of Italy.
W HAT I have already represented in the fore-
going chapters makes it evident, as far as can be
desired, that the diocese of Italy, in faith as well as
worship, had the purity necessary to constitute a
true Christian Church. I own that we find in it
some errors and some superstitions ; the account I
have already given being a full proof thereof. But
I have farther to observe,
First, That their Liturgy contains nothing that
favours these errors or superstitions ; now we know,
that we ought to judge of a Church by the public
writings of religion.
Secondly, That though several private men, or
even some of the Clergy, were involved in these
errors or superstitions, this must not be made use of
to the prejudice of the whole diocese.
Thirdly, We find that at that very time the ablest
and learnedest men amongst them did vigorously set
ancient Church of Piedmont. Ill
themselves against these errors and these supersti- chap.
tions of a blind people and an ignorant Clergy. XI '
These general remarks ought in particular to be ap-
plied to these following articles. The first is, Prayer
for the Dead. 2. Doting on the relics of saints.
3. The custom of praying to saints. 4. The too
rigorous injunction of fasts, fixed to certain days.
5. The too great esteem they had of the celibacy
imposed upon Ecclesiastics. These are the most
ancient of their superstitions. We find also, that
in process of time the use of images, and some gross
notions of the carnal presence of Jesus Christ in the
Sacrament, were introduced into this diocese.
I own that prayer for the dead was used in this 102
diocese even before the fourth century ; but withal
I find it was practised there under another notion
than it is in the Church of Rome, which since
Gregory I. has founded the belief of it wholly upon
the doctrine of purgatory, is unknown to all the
Churches of the East.
First, They prayed to God in general, that he
would be pleased to make those partakers of the
resurrection whom he had taken out of this world,
which we approve of; and which we do as often, as
by the kingdom of God, the coming of which we
pray for, we understand the kingdom of glory, which
is to destroy death, the last enemy of believers.
Secondly, They begged of God another kind of re-
surrection, which they conceived that God had pro-
mised to some believers, who particularly had the
privilege of being admitted into the kingdom of
Jesus Christ upon earth. This was nothing else
but a consequence of the opinion of the most ancient
Christians concerning the millennium.
Thirdly, They joined to this, the notion of the
deliverance from the fire of the last judgment,
through which many of the ancients were of opin-
ion that all believers, the blessed Virgin and
Apostles not excepted, were to pass. The state of
112 Remarks upon the
chap, souls before the resurrection being very uncertain in
ancient times, and the Fathers taking unto them-
selves the liberty to philosophize upon that subject,
in a very different manner, as the learned of the
Romish Church do confess : these things have given
occasion to the rise of prayers for the dead ; and
though their opinions in this matter have been very
different, yet they are all of them furnished with
essential marks to distinguish them from those of
the Church of Rome, in respect of their opinions ;
as those of the Church of Rome differ much in re-
gard of their opinions from the words of the an-
cients which they make use of on this occasion,
and which are, for the most part, of a considerable
antiquity.
103 I own likewise, that the veneration of relics ap-
peared in this diocese from before the end of the
fourth century, and since that, by little and little,
got strength there, as it is customary for human in-
ventions to attain to their full growth by degrees.
The piety of the primitive Christians contented
themselves with burying the bodies of believers and
martyrs, and at their interment solemnly blessed
God that he had taken them to his peace and re-
freshment. When the Church found themselves
under persecution, they met together in the church-
yards, or burying-places ; which gave occasion to the
Pastors to discourse to the faithful, concerning the
constancy of the martyrs: afterwards they cele-
brated the Eucharist upon their very tombs : and
some time after, towards the end of the fourth cen-
tury, they brought in a custom, not to consecrate
any church, without putting first some relics of
martyrs under the altar. This is what we find was
practised by St. Ambrose, with so much pomp, in
reference to the relics of St. Gervasius and St. Pro-
tasius, and which he believed founded upon a reve-
lation. In process of time, they took care to fill the
churches with the bodies of martyrs, those of whom
ancient Church of _ Piedmont. 113
no relics were to be found being in a manner quite chap.
forgot. They followed herein a Pagan opinion, L_
which supposeth the souls of the deceased to be
tied to their graves. They took occasion to con-
sider the prayers made to God in the presence of
these tombs, as being made in the communion of
the martyrs there present. They wished that these
believers, being delivered from temptations, might
intercede, together with them, by an act of their
first charity : and so, by little and little, they began
to address their prayers to them themselves. Matters
stood thus, when the famous Bishop of Turin set
himself against these innovations with a great deal
of vigour and zeal, founded upon the doctrine of
Scripture, and upon the opinions of St. Austin.
As for what concerns their fasts, I do own, that
besides that fast which was anciently observed
before Easter, from the fourth century, there have
been some other fasts fixed to certain days, as were
those that were kept on the same account with the 104
former, for the solemn Baptism of the Catechumeni ;
those which accompanied the ordination of the
Ministers of the Church, and some others. But,
first, we are to observe, that the Church in those
times did not make a meritorious and satisfactory
work of fasting, as it has been made some ages
since. Secondly, We cannot deny but that they
were kept then in good earnest, they consisting in a
total abstinence from eating or drinking ; whereas at
present they consist only in a distinction of meats.
Thirdly, That after all that can be said, the Church
then considered fasting only as an indifferent action,
which was to be backed and seconded by the mo-
tion of a true contrition and humility, without
which it could not be well pleasing to God; which
is quite contrary to what has been conceived of it
in these later times.
We cannot deny, but that a single state was ob-
served by the Clergy of Milan, in the time of St.
114 Remarks upon the
chap. Ambrose: this appears from his first Book of Offices,
chap. 50, where he expressly tells us, that those to
whom he speaks had received Orders, being alieni ab
ipso consortio conjugali, " strangers to conjugal fel-
* lowship." But we are to take notice, first, that in
the same place he owns, that in most other places
of less renown, the Priests and Bishops were mar-
ried, and had children. Secondly, that they main-
tained this custom in imitation of the Priests under
the law, who were not bound to forbear the com-
pany of their wives, save only during the time of
their ministry. Thirdly, That they maintained,
that the people of old were also obliged to abstain
from their wives for some few days, in order to their
partaking of the sacrifices. The words of St. Am-
brose on this occasion are these : Quod eo non pra-
terii, quia in plerisque abditioribus locis, cum mi-
nisterium gererent, vel etiam sacerdotium,filios sus-
ceperunt, et id tanquam usu veteri defendunt,
quando per intervalla dierum sacrificium ojf'ereba-
tur : et tamen castigabatur etiam populus per bi-
duum vel triduum, ut ad sacrificium purus acce-
deret, ut in Veteri Testamento legimus, et lavabat
vestimenta sua. Si in figura tanta observantia,
quanta in veritate! " Which therefore I did not
" pass by, because in more retired places, those that
105" discharged the office of Levites or Priests did
" beget children ; and this they maintain from what
" was in use under the old law, when they offered
" sacrifices with some intervening distance of time ;
" and yet even the people themselves were to use
" abstinence for two or three days, that they might
" with the greater purity come to the sacrifice,
" according as we read in the Old Testament, and
" to wash their garments. If so strict an ob-
" servance were used in the figure, how much more
" in the truth itself!"
Whence it appears, first, That the greater part of
the Clergy of the diocese of Milan were not bound
ancient Church of Piedmont. 115
to observe the law of celibacy, which Paphnutius chap.
had hindered the Council of Nice from imposing !_
upon the Bishops and other ministers. Secondly,
That though the Clergy of Milan lived in a single
state, yet this was not by virtue of any law, but of
their own choice, and without any necessity. Third-
ly, That the cause of St. Ambrose's so highly re-
commending the celibacy of ministers, was the high
esteem he had for the single state. Fourthly, That
it was a gross imposture of Petrus Damianus, to
maintain, as he did before the Clergy of Milan, that
St. Ambrose not being able to reduce his Clergy to
a single state, had been obliged to implore the assist-
ance of Syricius, to bring it about, and that he had
declared he would follow the Church of Rome in
that particular, as being his mistress. I know very
well that he cites for this the book De Sacerdotali
Dignitate; which he attributes to St. Ambrose, but
with so little justice, that that alone is sufficient to
lay open the impudence wherewith he abused the
credulity of the people of Milan.
This we may clearly gather from his 82d Epistle,,
written to the Church of Verceil, where after hav-
ing given the sense of the words of St. Paul, which
concern the virtues of Ministers, he adds, Hasc posui
quce cavenda acceperim. Virtutum autem magister
Apostolus est, qui cum patientia redarguendos do-
ceat contradicentes, qui uncus uxoris virum prcEcipiat
esse, non quo exsortem excludat conjugii, nam hoc
supra legem prcEcepti est, sed ut conjugali castimo-
nia servet ahlutionis sua gratiam. Neque iterum
utjilios creare Apostolica invitetur auctoritate, ha-
hentem enim dixit Jilios, non facient em. " I have
" here set down what I understand ought to be 106
" avoided. Now the Apostle is a master of virtue,
" who teacheth, that gainsayers ought to be reproved
" with patience, who commands a Presbyter to be
" husband of one wife, not as if he would thereby
" exclude those that live in a single state; for that is
i 2
1 \6 Remarks upon the
chap. " something above the command of the law; but
XI1, " that in conjugal chastity he might preserve the
" grace received in Baptism ; nor, as if thereby the
" Apostle would invite him by his authority to beget
" children, for the words of the Apostle are, having
" children, not begetting them." Which expressly
proves, first, That the Bishop or Priest, who con-
tinues with his wife in the conjugal band, does
not therefore cease to keep his baptismal purity.
Secondly, That, according to him, the Apostle did
no more deny Bishops the liberty of marrying, than
he granted it to them.
It is difficult to determine what were the opinions
of Servatianus and Barbatianus, of whom St. Am-
brose makes mention in that 82d Epistle. * He tells
us, that they came out of the monastery of Milan,
whence they betook themselves to Verceil ; he ac-
cuseth them for asserting, that virginity and fasting
did not deserve any greater praise than the state of
marriage and the ordinary way of living. He ag-
gravates this indictment, by accusing them of per-
mitting fornication, and asserting it not to be in-
ferior to the state of virginity or lawful marriage;
whereupon he endeavours to prove the contrary,
as being the doctrine of the Church, and of the
Scripture.
But in all this we may perceive something of im-
moderate zeal, wherewith the love of celibacy is apt
to inspire those that maintain it. I will not accuse
St. Ambrose for imitating the extravagance of Syri-
cius, in his Epistle to Himerius, Bishop of Tarragon,
writ in 385, where he makes use of these words of
St. Paul, Those who are in the flesh cannot please
God. As if all married people were in the flesh,
according to the ApostVs meaning. But I cannot
avoid observing, first, That St. Ambrose seems to
have imputed to Servatianus and Barbatianus, as
their true opinions, the consequences which he him-
self had drawn from them, this being a method
ancient Church of Piedmont, 11/
which an ungoverned zeal does often put men upon, chap
against those whom they believe to be out of the 1
way. Secondly,! say, that if the case were other- 107
wise, St. Ambrose would scarce have been excusa-
ble, for having acted so mildly against Servatianus
and Barbatianus. How could he have done less
than excommunicate them, and represent them to
the Church of Verceil, as such who ought to be ex-
communicated, for opposing the principles of Christ-
ianity, or as those who ought to be rejected, for
having been justly excommunicated at Milan. In-
deed, whosoever shall be pleased to make an unpre-
judiced reflection upon this history, will hardly be
able to persuade themselves otherwise, but that
there is a great deal said only to aggravate, in this
discourse of St. Ambrose; but at the same time,
whatsoever he might have alleged, they will con-
ceive, that these Monks were offended to see men
begin to set too high an esteem upon the state of
virginity and abstinence, and that this had obliged
them to speak of them with a kind of undervaluing
and indifference, and to oppose themselves against
the prejudice that was then beginning to take root
and be established.
I say, that this prejudice began then to be esta-
blished ; for we find that the Council of Turin, cele-
brated a little after St. Ambrose's death, doth abso-
lutely forbid the promoting of a married Deacon to
the priestly office, or a married Priest to that of a
Bishop. True it is, that it seems that this Canon
was not exactly observed; for we find several ex-
amples of Priests and Bishops, who probably had
passed through these first orders, their marriage
proving no obstacle to their promotion.
However it be, in process of time, this rigor,
which concerned only the Clergy, was slackened in
this diocese, as I have made it appear. As also
there happened no considerable change, till about
the tenth century, when the barbarous nations hav-
13
118 Remarks upon the
chap, ing overwhelmed that diocese, as well as the greatest
' part of the west, the Bishops were found to be stupid
enough to admit the false Decretals of the Pope,
which some impostor had published as a means to
overthrow the ancient discipline, and to subject the
west to the Romish see. In the time of Alexan-
108 der II. and Gregory VII. who could afford no better
names to married Priests than that of Nicolaitans,
Servatianus and Barbatianus would have been
handled quite after another manner than they were
by St. Ambrose; which makes it evident enough,
what the opinion of the Church was at the time
when this question first appeared. It is well known,
that in succeeding times the Monks that had broken
their vows and renounced their oath were obliged
to do penance ; but we find nothing like this in St.
Ambrose's time. The reason is, because a convent
at that time was a matter of choice, which might be
quitted without any other punishment, but the im-
putation of imprudence, for not having sufficiently
considered fully of that kind of life, before they en-
gaged themselves therein.
Furthermore it is good to observe, that the rash-
ness and imprudence of those, who thus quitted this
state, seemed the less pardonable, because they did
not admit persons to sacred Orders that were very
young, as we do now, but only men of an age suffi-
cient to know their own constitution, and to know
whether they were able to observe that kind of life
which they voluntarily had taken upon them.
But what I have already observed may suffice to
make it evident, that the state of religion in the
diocese of Italy was not so far corrupted, but that
we may own it to be a Church pure enough, and
which, in respect of the most understanding of its
members, and that in public too, had preserved the
true faith and the true worship which the Christian
religion prescribes to us.
Our business at present is to shew, that this
ancient Church of Piedmont. 11 9 '
Church was independent on the power of the Pope chap.
of Rome ; after which, we shall consider its separa-
tion from the Pope, when he endeavoured to subject
it to his authority.
CHAP. XIII. !09
That the diocese of Italy was an independent diocese,
till after the midst of the eleventh century.
IN order to the thorough establishing of this truth,
I intend to make it appear, that this is not only cer-
tain with respect to those times when the Popes
were not very considerable, but also with respect to
that time when the Popes began to lift up them-
selves by the favour of Gratian, and after him of
Valentinian III. ^
To this purpose it will be of use to set forth, as
well the constitution of the Church, as the manner
in which the diocese of Milan did continue inde-
pendent until the midst of the eleventh century, at
which time the Waldenses were obliged more openly
to testify their aversion for the Church of Rome as
an Antichristian Church. It will be easy enough
for me to perform what I have proposed to myself,
in following the history of the Church. _
Before the Council of Nice, we find the diocese
of Italy very distinct from that of Rome, which
contained the suburbicary Churches : of this we Euseb.Hist.
have two unquestionable proofs ; the one of which ^Jf l' 7'
we find in the case of Paulus Samosatenus, Bishop
of Antioch, where the Emperor Aurelian distin-
guisheth the Bishops of Italy from those of Rome,
by his referring equally to them the decision of
Samosatenus's opinions, whether they were to be
looked upon as orthodox or not. *
1 4
120 Remarks upon the
chap. The other we meet with in the business of the
Donatists ; where Constantine, to put an end to the
Euseb.Hist. differences which divided the African Churches, ap-
Optat. i. l. pointed them judges as well from Rome as from
cont.Par- Italy : Merocles, Bishop of Milan, as head of his
diocese, being nominated by the Emperor, as well as
Melchiades.
110 The Council of Nice confirmed this ancient custom
of the Metropolitans, who had enjoyed the right of
convening the synods of their diocese, and ordain-
ing the Bishops belonging to the same. This we
see in the sixth Canon : each diocese then formed
a council, which was called by the Metropolitan.
Every Metropolitan ordered the affairs of his diocese,
all matters were regulated by this council, and there
was no appeal from their judgments. So that the
Canon of the Council of Nice served instead of a
law, as well in the east as the west; and which might
have served so still, if the ambition of the Bishops
of Constantinople and of Rome had not overthrown
this so wise a regulation. Memnon, Bishop of
Ephesus, maintains, that this Canon did also con-
stitute every diocese so far independent on any of
its neighbours, that they could not take any cog-
nizance of matters that were without their limits.
This'we find in the Acts of the Council of Ephesus.
We find that since that time, the thing continued
on the same foot : many proofs might be given of it,
but I shall content myself with these following :
1 . St. Athanasius distinguisheth Milan and Rome
as two independent Churches.
2. The election of St. Ambrose is related to us by
Theodoret, lib. 4. cap. 5, 6. as done without any con-
sent of the Bishop of Rome; which could not have
been so, had he been the Patriarch of Italy.
Suipit. Sev. The business of the Priscillianists, who had re-
l. 2. Hist. course to St. Ambrose as well as to Damasus, after
that they had been rejected by the Spanish Bishops
at Csesaraugusta, is a certain proof hereof.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 121
If we read the history of the following centuries^ chap.
we shall not find that ever any Bishops of Italy ______
were ordained by the Popes, or were subject to their
councils, till the eleventh century.
We find that the Council of Italy, in which St.
Ambrose presided, approve, in their letter sent to
Theodosius, the proceedings about the election of
Maximus, in opposition to the opinion of Damasus
and his council : so far were they from depending ill
on the Pope as their Patriarch.
We find the same thing also acknowledged bycan.57,58.
those of Africa, who sent Legates as well to the
Bishop of Milan, as to the Bishop of Rome. We
find the same thing in the year 431; Theodoret ad- Baron. An.
dressing himself to the Bishops of Milan, Aquileia,431, §lfe2,
and Ravenna, against the Chapters of Cyril, which
Pope Celestine had approved.
We find in the year 451. Pope Leo I. so fully
owning this truth, that he writes to the Bishop of
Milan, that he would be pleased to approve in his
synod the letter which the said Pope wrote to Fla-
vianus, upon the incarnation of the Word, against
the errors of Eutyches. We find Flavianus appeal-
ing to the Pope and the Bishop of Milan by name,
as well as to the rest of the western Metropolitans. *
We find in the year 556. that the diocese of Mi-
lan, and its Bishops, stood resolutely to the party
that rejected the Fifth General Council ; and though
Pope Pelagius strongly solicited Narses to reduce
them to his opinion by violence, yet he could never
obtain his desire, as may be seen by St. Gregory's
Epistles: and the Church of Aquileia, and some
others of Italy, above an hundred years after, had
no communion with the Church of Rome, as
Baronius himself ingenuously confesseth.
We find in the year 679. a Council of Italy as-
sembled upon occasion of the Monothelites, wherein
the Bishops of this diocese alone writ to Constantine
the Emperor; which sheweth their independence
122 Remarks upon the
chap, on the Pope, who wrote also in particular with his
XI1L Council.
And last of all, we do not find that since the
seventh century the Church of Rome has had that
authority over the diocese of Italy, which she ar-
rogated to herself over other Churches, where she
had already gained some preeminence by means of
her Vicars.
112 We have an unquestionable proof of what I here
Cap. 3. t. 7. allege in the Diurnus Romanus. All the Bishops
that belonged to the Pope's jurisdiction, by reason
of their being in his diocese, were obliged to swear,
at their ordination, that they would follow the rites
and the divine service of the Church of Rome.
Now we know that the Church of Milan had its
own peculiar Liturgy, called the Ambrosian. It is
true, they pretend that after Charles the Great had
made himself master of the kingdom of the Lom-
bards, he endeavoured to abolish the same; and
some think it received a great change at that time:
but this is only conjecture without ground ; for, ex-
cepting some slight alterations caused by time, at a
juncture when Popery had well nigh got the mastery
there, that Liturgy continued much the same as it
was before.
We find the same independence of the Church of
Milan in the ninth and tenth century acknowledged
T.4.itai. Dy Ughellus in the Life of Angilbertus : Angilbertus
Pustrella ejusdem nominis super iori successit 827 .
Hie Me Angilbertus est, quern tanta dignitatis cor-
rupit fcelicitas, cum aliquamdiu moderatione antea
usus, prudenter Mediolanensem administrasset Ec-
clesiam : suffultus enim (ut quidam narrant) Magni
Caroli privilegiis et gratiis, charusque Ludovico Pio
Imperatori, Lotharioque ejusdem Jilio, a Romana
Ecclesia ita defecit, ut, per inauditam superbiam,
cum Romano Pontiflce de potestate deque dignitate
decertare non verecundaretur. Pessimum exemplum
ita ad successores pertransiit, ut per ducentos ipsos
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 23
annos ea contumacia illos abduxerit infeceritque. chap.
" Angilbertus Pustrella succeeded his predecessor, of L_
" the same name, in the year 827- This is that An-
u gilbert, whom the splendor of so high a dignity
" corrupted, after having used moderation for some
" time, he had prudently governed that Church : for
" being upheld (as some tell us) by the privileges
u and favours of Charles the Great, and being dear
" to the Emperor Ludovicus Pius, and Lotharius his
" son, he made a defection from the Roman Church,
" as not being ashamed to contend with the Pope of
" Rome about power and dignity. This bad example
" of his passed over to his successor: so that for two 113
" hundred years together they were led astray and
" infected by this contumacy."
We are not to admit that which Ughellus would
fain insinuate, that this was a rebelling against his
Patriarch. This is a mere illusion. It was only a
resistance of the enterprises of the Popes, who, be-
ing encouraged by the easiness and ignorance of
divers western Prelates, did boldly invade those
rights which did not at all belong unto them. For
we find that, eight years after his election, Angilbert
assisted at the Council of Mantua with the Pope's
Legates, without their preferring any complaint
against him, which they would not have failed to
have done, especially being supported by the au-
thority of Lotharius the Emperor, if Angilbert's
right had not been evident.
And indeed it was not till the year 1059, that
Nicolas II. under pretence of putting a stop to the
simony in that diocese, and to condemn the Nico-
laitanism, (for this was the name which at that time
was bestowed on the marriage of Priests,) sent
Petrus Damianus, and Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, to
Milan, who subjected that diocese, obliging them
to receive the laws of the Pope's synod, whereas
before they had only owned the laws of the CEcu-
menical Councils, wherein they had assisted by their
124 Re?narks upon the
chap, deputies, according to the protestation of Maurus,
Bishop of Ravenna.
Pet. Dam. We have a certain proof hereof in the discourse
Opusc.5. o£ ^ ciergy 0f Milan with Petrus Damianus ; for
they maintain, "That the Ambrosian Church, ac-
" cording to the ancient institutions of the Fathers,
" was always free, without being subject to the laws
u of Rome ; and that the Pope of Rome had no ju-
" risdiction over their Church, as to the government
" or constitution of it."
We may here take notice how Claudius, Bishop
of Turin, behaved himself with respect to Pope
Paschal, with whose being offended at him Theode-
mirus had reproached him, willing to recommend to
him the Pope's authority.
The matter was so clear and evident, that Pope
Honorius II. being desirous to make Anselm, Arch-
114 bishop of Milan, own his authority, who was chosen
in the year 1123, and to give him the pall, he re-
fused it, in the year 1125, for fear of subjecting his
Church to that of Rome. See how Landulphus, c. 38,
relates the matter, as we find it set down by Ughellus:
T. 4. p. 189. Anselmus Pustrella, hitjus nominis quintus Ar-
chiepiscopus, adlectus est anno 1123. De profecti-
one ejusdem Romam ad Honorium II. anno 1 125, ac
de iis qua ibi peregit, hcec Landulphus, capitulo 38:
Sed cum idem Archiepiscopus, se cuius consilium
quorundam Capellanorum et Primicerii, Petri vero
Terdonensis Episcopi, contra publicum interdictum
Cleri et populi Mediolanensis, Romam ivit : mihi
quidem non sedit . . . Veruntamen ipse, ceu vir pru-
dens et sapiens, cum Papa Honorio et Cardinalibus
ejus multa contulit, et conferendo ecclesiasticas con-
suetudines Ambrosiana Ecclesia, et honores ejus
archiepiscopatus et urbis, vivis et bonis rationibus
defendit. Unde ipse Papa huic prudenti viro dixit,
Frater, meditatus etEpiscopus venisti: sed si visfrui
authoritate Archiepiscopi in temporibus meis, ne-
cesse est ut stolam suscipias e manibus meis, aut,
ancient Church of' Piedmont. 125
sicut ego suscepi, ad alt are Sancti Petri. Hinc chap.
dominus iste Mediolanensis Roboaldum Albensem X1IL
adjuravit, ut sibi consuleret. Tunc Roboaldus Me
Albensis sic ait, quod prius sustineret nasum su-
um scindi usque ad oculos, quam daret sibi con-
silium ut susciperet Roma stolam, et Ecclesia Me-
diolanensi prcepararet hanc novam et gravissimam,
quam Honorius Papa dicebat sibi, imponere men-
suram. Mediolanum igitur ipse Archiepiscopus sine
stola rediit, et eundem Albensem Episcopum secum
reduxit. Verum Archiepiscopalem sedem non ascen-
dit, donee Ubertus de Meregnano, ejus scriba,jura-
vit quod ipse dominus suus Anselmus nulli minui-
mento honoris Ecclesm Mediolanensis consensit, et
quod ipsum Albensis Me Episcopus Roboaldus
auctoritate sua coivfirmavit. Deinde Pontifex iste
Anselmus sedem et castella archiepiscopatus in
beneficio Cleri et populi recuperavit. "Anselmus
" Pustrella, the fifth of that name, was chosen
" Archbishop in the year 1123. Concerning whose
" journey to Rome, to Honorius II. in the year 1 125,
" and what he did there, Landulfus gives us this
" account, chap. 38 : But when the said Archbishop,
" following the counsel of some of his chaplains,
" and of his Primicerius, and of Peter, Bishop of
" Terdon, contrary to the public prohibition of the 115
" Clergy and people of Milan, was gone to Rome.
" .... However he, as a prudent and wise man, con-
" ferred at large with Pope Honorius II. and his Car-
" dinals, in which conference he with brisk and good
" arguments asserted the customs of the Ambrosian
" Church, with the prerogatives of that archbishop-
" ric and city. Whereupon the Pope said to this
* prudent man, Brother, you that are a Bishop come
" hither well provided with arguments ; but if you
" have a mind to enjoy the archiepiscopal dignity
" during my time, it is needful that you receive the
" pall from my hands, or, as I myself have received it,
" at the altar of St. Peter. Then the Bishop of Milan
126 Remarks upon the
chap. " conjured Roboaldus, Bishop of Alba, to advise
L_" him in this case; whereupon the Bishop answer-
" ed, that he would rather suffer his nose to be slit
" up to his eyes, than advise him to receive his pall
" at Rome, and thereby subject the Church of Mi-
" Ian to that new and hard measure which Pope
" Honorius designed to impose upon her. Where-
" fore the Archbishop Anselm returned to Milan
" without his pall, and brought the Bishop of Alba
" back with him. Nevertheless he did not place
" himself in the archiepiscopal seat, until Ubertus
" de Meregnano, his secretary, had sworn that his
" lord Anselmus had not consented to the least di-
" minution of the prerogatives of the Church of
" Milan ; and the same also Roboaldus, Bishop of
" Alba, confirmed by his authority. And after this
" Archbishop Anselm recovered his seat, and the
" castles of his archbishopric, which were at the
" disposal of the Clergy and people."
I know only of two or three objections about this
matter, which deserve to be considered. The one is,
the prejudice the Popes have endeavoured to foment,
some ages since, as if they were the Patriarchs of all
the West ; in consequence whereof their flatterers
have endeavoured to make the world believe, that
the suburbicary Churches, whereof mention is made
in the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice, do sig-
ll6nify the Churches of all the West. But this is so
foolish an imagination, that it is strange that men
of any learning should suffer themselves to be im-
posed upon by it. The second is, that we find that
sometimes the Bishops of the diocese of Milan have
met in synods with the Pope and his council, as if
they had belonged to his patriarchate. The third
is, that Ughellus relates, from time to time, in the
catalogue he has given us of the Bishops of Milan,
that such and such a one were confirmed by the
Pope, and received the pall at his hands. But it will
be easy to refute all these objections fully. First, as
ancient Church of Piedmont. 12?
for that conceit, that the Pope was Patriarch of the chap.
West; it is a thing unheard of by all antiquity: 1
and indeed, if Leo the First, on the one hand, had
known himself invested with this right, he would
never have ingenuously confessed, as he has done in
his Epistles, that he did not pretend to ordain the
Bishops that were amongst the Gauls, which not-
withstanding would have belonged to his jurisdic-
tion, in case he had been Patriarch of the West ;
and on the other hand he would have made use of
this prerogative, in his request to the younger Va-
lentinian, when he endeavoured to procure for him-
self the right of appeals, which was contested with
him, as being an unjust and novel right.
As for what concerns the union which sometimes
has been made between the Synod of Italy and that
of Rome, this cannot be made use of as an argument
in this case ; for the Prelates of Italy have assisted
at the synods that have been held amongst the
Gauls, without subjecting themselves to the Gauls
in the least thereby, or without subjecting the Gauls
to Italy. We have an example hereof in the Synod
of Turin, in the year 397, where the Gauls assisted,
because the business of that synod was to remedy
the common disorders, which equally reigned in the
neighbouring dioceses, which maintained ecclesiasti-
cal communion one with another.
And as for that which Ughellus saith, that several
Bishops of Milan have received the pall, and been
confirmed by the Popes of Rome; I confess that
Ripamontius cites a letter of St. Gregory's to Law-
rence, Bishop of Milan, by which he sends the pall
to him. But without entering into the examination
of what this concession did import, we are to ob-H7
serve, first, that this pall was no more than a politic
subtilty of the Court of Rome, to establish amongst
the barbarous and stupid western people the edict of
Valentinian the Third, in favour of appealing to the
see of Rome ; an edict which could be no longer of
128 Remarks upon the
chap, force after the dissipation of the Roman empire.
XIIL Secondly, that at the bottom, this concession signifies
little else, as Hincmar has very well observed with
respect to all the Pope's privileges, save that the
Pope did not take away a right, whereof those to
whom he granted the privilege were already in full
possession. Thirdly, that though the thing should
be really so, yet it took place so little, by reason of
the condition wherein that diocese has been since
the Popes have made use of this snare, that the ec-
clesiastical liberty of that diocese has been little or
nothing concerned in it. We know, in the fourth
place, that this granting of the pall has not taken
place, save only with some ambitious Bishops, and
not with all, as Ughellus assures us, but without
any proof; as likewise when he asserts, that it was
Gregory the First who granted to them the right of
crowning the kings of Italy. This Ughellus was in-
deed nothing else but a relater of fables, who does
not deserve any credit amongst learned men, though
the pains he has taken may be, in other things, of
very good use.
Last of all, That which I here assert concerning
the independence of the diocese of Italy is so clear,
that after a hundred treatises of the learned of the
Church of Rome, who have maintained, that by the
suburbicary Churches (whereof mention is made in
the sixth Canon of the Council of Nice) all the
western Churches were to be understood; M. Dupin,
Doctor of the Sorbonne, has laid down the cudgels;
confessing that the diocese of the Pope consisted
only of the ten provinces about Rome, and that
Italy, composed of seven provinces, was not in the
least subject to it.
To conclude, Christianus Lupus owns, with all his
reasons, that the diocese of Milan, in the midst of
the ninth Century, pretended to be independent, as
Tom. 3. we find it in his notes upon the Council of Pavia,
118 under Leo IX. He very expressly observes, that
ancient Church of Piedmont. 129
this diocese did not own the laws which the Popes chap.
published in their councils, as pretending not to X1IL
depend upon their regulations.
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning the separation of the Churches of the
diocese of Italy from the Church of Rome, and of
the faith of the Paterines.
W HAT I have already related concerning the in-
dependence of the diocese of Italy on the Pope, was
a thing very displeasing and troublesome to the
Church of Rome. She could not, without regret, see
a diocese so near to her preserve its liberty, whilst a
great number of other dioceses, at a farther distance,
had quitted their rights, and acknowledged her ju-
risdiction. Nicolas II. having undertaken this busi-
ness, made choice of Petrus Damianus, and Anselm,
Bishop of Lucca, to be his Legates, making the
difference which was risen between the people and
the Clergy, upon occasion of two pretended he-
resies, that of the Simoniacs, and that of the Nico-
laitans, who did not believe themselves bound to
observe celibacy by a mere human authority. They
began also to question the ordinations that had been
made by order of the Emperors and other princes, as
if it were no better than pure simony to get into the
Church by this means. Moreover, there was also a
kind of tax imposed upon those who were newly
ordained, for the use of the Bishops and Archbishops,
and without paying which there was scarcely any
ordination to be had.
Petrus Damianus himself tells us, that upon hisopusc.5,
arrival at Milan, the Clergy stirred up the people to
express their discontent against the design of this 1 19
130 Remarks upon the
chap, legation: Non debere Ambrosianam Ecclesiam Ro-
XIV> manis legibus subjacere, nullumque judicandi vel
disponendi jus Romano Pontifici in ilia sede com-
petere. Nimis indignum ut qua sub progenitoribus
nostris semper extitit libera, ad nostra confusi-
onis opprobrium, nunc alteri, quod absit, Ecclesia
sit subjecta: "That the Ambrosian Church ought
" not to be subjected to the laws of Rome; and that
" the Pope of Rome had no right at all of judging
" or disposing any thing there. It was a shame,
" said they, that she who has been always free
" in the time of our forefathers, should now, to our
" great reproach and confusion, be forced to truckle,
" which God forbid, under another Church."
The people got together at the ringing of the
bells, and went to the palace of the Archbishop,
and put Cardinal Peter in danger of his life, as his
friends told him. They express their indignation,
because in the Synod of the Priests of that metro-
polis he had had the boldness to sit above the Arch-
bishop.
What does this wise Legate in this encounter?
He gets up into the pulpit, and preacheth to them
concerning the dignity of the Roman Church ; that
the prerogatives of other sees had been granted them
by the Emperors, but that she only was beholden for
her primacy to Jesus Christ; that those who refused
to render obedience to her, did thereby make them-
selves heretics. In the sequel of his sermon he im-
pudently asserts three palpable falsities: the one,
thatNazarius and Celsus had been sent by St. Peter
from Rome to Milan ; the other, that St. Paul had
sent thither St. Protasius and St. Gervasius ; and the
third, that St. Ambrose had recourse to the author-
ity of Syricius, to purge his diocese from the heresy
of the Nicolaitans, which began to spread itself
there. These are the arguments he makes use of, and
adds a passage out of a book, De Sacerdotali Dig-
nitate, falsely attributed to St. Ambrose ; wherein
ancient Church of Piedmont. 131
the author makes profession of his following the chap.
• • • • "VTV
Church of Rome in all things, as his mistress.
It is pleasant to see this impostor congratulating 120
himself, that he had asserted the prerogative of the
Church of Rome to so good a purpose. This so very
evangelical sermon smoothed all the rubs he met
with at first. He examines the Clergy, and finds
almost all of them guilty of simony. What is to be
done in this case? There is no way left but a dis-
pensation ; and this way he takes : he makes the
Archbishop and his Clergy to promise, never for the
time to come to exact any thing, either directly or
indirectly, of those whom he ordained ; he chargeth
him to anathematize the heresy of the Nicolaitans ;
he makes him promise, upon the Gospel, to exter-
minate them to the utmost of his power; he im-
poseth penance upon him and all his Clergy, and
afterwards restores to them the ornaments of their
orders, in the midst of mass, confirming them in the
same, after he had made them swear to receive the
seven General Councils, the last of which was the se-
cond of Nice, concerning the worshipping of images,
which, it appears, that diocese had before rejected,
as well as France, Germany, and Spain, at the Coun-
cil of Francfort, in the year 794 : nor can any body
read, without being ashamed, the pleasant penances
he imposed on them, and the means he put into
their hands of buying them off; it being one of the
ways the Church of Rome had found out to make
sins cheap.
However, this business did not go off so success-
fully as Petrus Damianus did expect : for soon after
his departure, the Archbishop Wido, and his Clergy,
became sensible of the false step they had made :
Wido, supported by the nobility, called a council,
and therein confirmed the right that Priests had to
marry. The story is told by Bonizo, Bishop of Su-
trium, in his Chronicle of the Popes, which is in the
Emperor's library at Vienna, as Lambecius tells us,
K 2
132 Remarks upon the
chap. lib. 2. Comment. Bibliothecce Vindobonensis, p. 790.
XIV' Et de Stephano Godefredi, regis germano, et qualiter
ejus temporibus Patarea apud Mediolanum exorta
est, et de Nicolao Papa; "And concerning Stephen
" Godfrey, the king's brother, and how in his time
" the Patarea began at Milan, and concerning Pope
" Nicolas." Whence Mr. Ducange has very well
concluded that Patarea, in the sense of this Bishop,
signifies the pretended heresy of the Patarines.
121 The account which Sigonius gives us of this mat-
ter is this : Cum multcB alia Ecclesice nova de Simoni-
acorum atque Nicolaitarum haresi decreta repudi-
arunt, turn maxime Mediolanensis, ut qua jampri-
dem, Romance Ecclesice authoritate relicta,prceceptis
ejus haudquaquam obtemperaret, et tamen siqua alia
retro hujusmodi veneno infecta esset: hancrem cum
per se gravem, turn Mediolanensium Clericorum
nomine turpem esse Arialdus, ex Alciata, ut fertur,
familia, Clericus decumanus, ratus, Landulfo Cottce,
populi Prcefecto, auctor fuit ut earn palam oppug-
nandam aggrederetar. Id vero cumfacere, secundis
populi auribus animisque, ccepisset, IVido, Archi-
episcopus, contrariam partem suscepit, favor e maxi-
me nobiUtatis innixus. Itaque res eo usque inf amice
mutuis alter cationibus jurgiisque deducta fuit, ut
sacer dotes qui uxores haberent prce pudore separatim
a, cceteris rem divinam facer e cogerentur in loco qui
Patria dicitur, unde vulgo a pueris Patarini ad
contumeliam dicebantur. " Whereas many other
" Churches rejected the new decrees made against
" the heresy of Simoniacs and Nicolaitans, yet
" none more than the Church of Milan, who now
" for some time having renounced the authority of
u the Church of Rome, was no longer obedient to its
" precepts, and yet was rather more infected with
" the poison of these heresies than any other: there-
" fore one Arialdus, as was said, of the family of the
" Alciati, and one of the chief Clerks, conceiving this
*c a matter as well heinous in itself as reproachful to
ancient Church of Piedmont. 133
" the repute of the Clergy of Milan, he persuades chap.
" Landulfus Cotta, the Prefect of the people, openly
a and with force to oppose himself against the same :
" which when he had undertaken, upon the people's
" appearing in favour of his design, Wido the Arch-
" bishop takes upon him the defence of the con-
" trary party, relying chiefly upon the favour of the
u nobility ; so that this matter was carried to that in-
" famous excess by their quarrels and wranglings,that
" the Priests who had wives were forced for shame
" to say mass separate from others, in a place called
" P atria, [or rather Pataria,~\ whence the boys, by
" way of reproach, afterwards gave them the name
" of Patarines." Which is a very distinct account of
the original of the name of Patarines. I shall in
the sequel observe, first, That they have given this
nickname of Patarines to the Waldenses, because 122
theWaldenses were those Subalpini in Peter Dami-Opusc. 18.
an, who at the same time maintained the same doc-
trines in the archbishopric of Turin. Secondly, that
the Waldenses have always constantly maintained,
that the Church could not deprive Ministers of the
liberty of marrying, forasmuch as God had never
deprived them of it, neither in the Old nor New
Testament. What we are to observe here is, that
these Patarines, being separated from the Church of
Rome, were for the most part of the same opinions
that were afterwards asserted by the Waldenses ;
which has been the reason why the Patarines and
Waldenses have been taken for one and the same
sort of heretics.
This we may know several ways: first, Because
since the Romans drove these out of their commu-
nion, which happened in the year 1059, it is natural
to conceive, that those Patarines had raked together
with care all the articles that might any way justify
their separation.
Secondly, Because the disputes of Leo IX, with
Michael Cerularius, Bishop of Constantinople, gave
k 3
1 134 Remarks upon the
chap, way to the strengthening of that separation; that
XIV' dispute having given occasion to examine several
articles which the Church of Rome proposed as
necessary, which the Greeks rejected with an high
hand.
Thirdly, Because we find that the Church of
Milan, and those of that diocese, had now for some
time testified a great aversion for the idolatry of
Rome, and by rejecting the submission to the
Church of Rome, procured by Petrus Damianus,
they rejected also the second Council of Nice, as
favouring idolatry, according to the definition of
their ancestors at Francfort.
Cap. 4. P. Fourthly, Because it appears by the book of
Lanfranc against Berengarius, that some schisma-
tics maintained his opinion, for so he expresseth
himself in the account he gives us of the condemn-
ation of Berengarius, in the Council of Rome. This
probably would pass for no more than a conjecture,
if the thing were not formally avowed by Matthew
of Westminster, who saith upon the year, 1087, that
Berengarius of Tours, being fallen into heresy, had
already almost corrupted all the French, Italians,
123 and English. When he speaks of a corruption in
these dioceses about this matter, it is evident, that
he means that they treated the Popes as innovators
and Paschasians, and that they kept to the primitive
faith of the Church, which the Popes had endea-
voured to condemn by their definitions.
Fifthly, Because it appears, that the Berengarians,
who were of the same stamp with the Patarines, did
discourse much at the same rate as the Waldenses
did afterwards: this is evident from Lanfranc, where
he tells us, that they accused the Church to have
erred, by reason of ignorance, and that the Church
remained in their party alone, and they with Beren-
garius called the Church of Rome, The congrega-
tion of the wicked, and the seat of Satan.
Sixthly, Because we find the Berengarians ex-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 135
posed to the same ealumnies wbieh were afterward chap.
imputed to the Patarines and Waldenses. This is
evident from the discourse of Guimpndus, Bishop
of A versa, lib. 1. contra Bereng. where he accusetfiTom. 6.
them of overthrowing, as much as in them lay, law-p1^'^
ful marriages, and the baptism of infants.
Seventhly, Because it appears from what is left
us of the writings of Bonizo, Bishop of Sutrium,
who took pen in hand in defence of the Pope's pre-
tensions over this diocese, that his aim was to assert
the self-same Roman doctrines, which in process of
time we find constantly opposed by the Waldenses
in that diocese. See here one of his notes, taken
out of his Paradise of St. Austin, De Baptismi sacra-Tom. i.
mento, et de corporis et sanguinis Domini Eucha- ^9a1rnb" pag*
ristia scrutare viriliter.
In his eighth Abridgment he treats about, Quid?792-
sit infernus, et utrum in inferno mall tantum, an
etiam boni mansuri sint, et an corpora possint esse
in ustione ignis perpetua, et quibus sacrificium pro-
sit post mortem, et qualiter mortui in somniis viven-
tibus appareant, et de oblatione vel eleemosyna pro
defunctis, et quod Adam morte Dominica ab inferno
sit liber atus. " What hell is, and whether the
" wicked only, or the good also, are to remain
" there : whether bodies can continue in everlasting
" burnings; and to whom the sacrifice of the mass
" is available after death ; and how the dead may
" appear to the living in their dreams; and about 124
" offerings and alms for the dead; and that Adam
f was delivered out of hell by the death of our
" Lord." An understanding reader will easily judge,
that these kind of questions are such as could not be
discussed, without entering into those controversies
that at this day we have with the Church of Rome.
This Bonizo was killed by those of Placenza, in
the year 1089? as ne was defending the cause of the
Popes of Rome against the Emperors, whom he
cruelly abused in his writings. He has given us an "jd. p.
k 4
136 Remarks upon the
chap, account in writing of the first rise of Patarea at
__L_ Milan, under Pope Stephen II.
Two things more may be added to what I have
already observed: the first is, that it is apparent,
that though the Abbot Gezo had endeavoured to
confirm his Monks in the opinions of Paschasius,
by copying almost his whole book, to make it more
common in Italy, yet notwithstanding, that of John
Scot continued still in being, and was the shield
which Berengarius and his party made use of, to
oppose the opinions of Paschasius. He was not
condemned till the year 1059, m tne Council of
Verceil, under Leo IX. and the Italians almost im-
mediately thereupon separated themselves from the
communion of the Pope of Rome.
The second is, that there was such a great num-
ber of these Berengarians, who did not hold their
doctrine from Berengarius, but from John Scot and
others, that this became the subject of a great con-
test: this is evident from the life of the Abbot Wol-
felmus. The same is likewise hinted to us by Sige-
Sur. ad bert, ad an. 1081, in the edition of Miraeus, in the
^"g32, year 1608. Istis diebus Francia turbabatur per
Berengarium Turonensem, qui asserebat Eucha-
ristiam, quam sumimus in altari, non esse revera
corpus et sanguinem Christi : unde contra eum et
pro eo multum a multis et verbis et scriptis dispu-
tatum est. " In those days there were disturbances
" in France, by means of Berengarius of Tours, who
" maintained, that the Eucharist which we receive
" on the altar is not the true body and blood of
" Christ: which occasioned great disputes both for
" and against him, as well by writing books as by
" public disputations."
125 We may gather the same truth we here set down
from the compendious account we find in the Coun-
cils, in the place of the acts of the Council of Rome
in the year 1079? under Gregory VII. against Be-
rengarius.' This account, which we find likewise in
ancient Church of Piedmont. 13/
the Chronicle of Verdun, written hy Hugo, Abbot chap,
xiv.
of Flavigny, contains these express words ; Omni-
bus igitur in ecclesia Servatoris congregatis, habi- T« 10- Con-
P, • . , , cn° . • . .cil. Edit.
tus est sermo de corpore et sanguine Uomini nostri Lab. pag.
Jesu Christi, multis hac, nonnullis ilia \^prius~] 3™-
sentientibus. Maxima siquidem pars partem et vi- abest a Co-
num per sacra; orationis verba, et sacerdotis conse- l^e MS-
. ■* o • • o • • • 7 • 7 • * heyerano
crationem, opiritu oancto invisibuiter operante, con- Condiio-
verti substantial? ter in corpus Dominicum de Vir- ^'0qure™
gine natum, quod et in cruce pependit, et in sangui- manibus.
nem, qui de ejus latere militis effusus est lancea,
asserebat, [atque author it atibus orthodoxorum Pa- inciusa non
trum, tarn Gracorum, quam Latinorum defendebat^] MsTcodice
Quidam vero ccecitate nimia et longa perculsijlgura ConcU.
tantum b substantiate illud corpus in dexter a P#-bMS. at-
tris sedens esse, seque et alios decipientes, quibus-*1™'
dam cavillationibus conabantur adstruere. Verum
ubi coepit res agi, prius etiam quam tertia die ven-
tum fuerit in c synodo, defecit contra veritatem c ms. syn-
niti pars altera, nempe Spiritus Sancti ignis emolu-odam'
menta d palearum consumens, et fulgore suo fal- d MS- ele-
sam lucem diverberando obtenebrans, noctis caligi- men a*
nem vertit in lucem. " All of them therefore being
" met together in St. Saviour s church, they dis-
" coursed the matter about the body and blood of
" our Lord Jesus Christ, many of them being of
" one, some [e at first] of another opinion. For the6 These
" greatest part of them maintained that the bread not found
" and wine, by means of the sacred words and theintheM^
" Priest's consecration, through an invisible opera- council.
" tion of the Spirit, were changed substantially into
" the body of our Lord, born of the Virgin, and
" which hung on the cross ; and into the blood
" which gushed from his side when pierced with the
u soldiers spear [fand fully confirmed the same f These
" with the authorities of orthodox Greek and Latin J^U^J
" Fathers.] But some being smitten with an over in the ms.
" great and long continued blindness, endeavoured copy'
" to prove, by sophistical cavillation, that it was
138 Remarks upon the
chap. " figuratively only, a the substantial body sitting at
" the right hand of the Father, deceiving themselves
126" and others. But when the matter began to be
» ms. and « handled, even before they had met the third day
substantial " m council together, this party ceased any longer
body was « to oppose the truth ; the fire of the Holy Ghost
MVtsfeie-1*" consuming these chaffy b emoluments, and by his
ments. « brightness dispersing the false light and darkening
" it, changed the darkness of the night into light."
This is the account of what passed in the coun-
cil, and is found in the MS. of the councils which I
have consulted ; though they who have published
the councils have changed it at their pleasure.
But whatever pains they may have taken herein, it
appears,
1. That Berengarius was not the author of that
opinion in Italy, the greatest part of whose Bishops
were summoned to that council by Gregory VII.
2. That this council was at first much divided,
and that this division continued two days, and was
not ended till the third day.
3. That the words, of a long blindness, which the
author uses, cannot be spoken with reference to the
disciples of Berengarius, but must refer to those
who maintained the same doctrine which he did,
from the time wherein this question, having been
first started by Paschasius Radbertus, had occa-
sioned that division ; whereof the book of John
Scot, which was burnt at Verceil, was an authentic
testimony.
But I believe I have sufficiently made out in the
foregoing chapters, that the diocese of Italy did
always enjoy a light of doctrine of competent purity;
as likewise, that the purity of divine worship ever
continued amongst them, notwithstanding they had
a little sprinkling of that ignorance and spirit of
superstition, which had overflowed the Romish
Church, and the greatest part of the western
Churches. We had also a particular information,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 139
in what manner Italy separated itself from the chap.
Church of Rome, when she undertook to invade her '
rights, and to impose upon her her own errors and
superstitions. We have seen that a party as well of
the superior as inferior Clergy, and the sounder part
of the people, formed a distinct body, to secure 127
themselves from that corruption.
This separation of the Clergy of Milan from the
party ofLandulphus Cotta, and of Arialdus, Deacon
of Milan, who favoured the interests and pretensions
of the Pope, and the separation of those Subalpini
in the bishopric of Turin, deserves, as we see, an
extraordinary consideration. And forasmuch as this
separation happened at the same time that the
Council of Verceil condemned Berengarius and
Johannes Scotus, we may easily conceive that the
Clergy of Milan, and those Clergymen under the
Alps, had no great esteem for that Papal condemna-
tion: and the interest of Wido being embraced by
many of the Bishops of his diocese, we cannot but
conclude, that they had as little regard for that
council, as they had for all the rest, that was de-
rived from an authority, whose design was to invade
these rights, as well as those of all the Bishops of
the west. '
To shew to what excess this division was carried,
it is not necessary to set down here the bloody
death of the Deacon Arialdus, which Andrew the
Monk has described in a very tragical manner, asAnnai.
we find it in Baronius, upon the year 1066, thereby^1 ad16
to expose Wido, and make him odious. It is evi-i^iB, 19*,
dent, that what that Monk wrote is composed in20'21,
such a -legendary manner, that it renders all his
relation suspicious ; though if it were true indeed,
yet could it scarcely more defame Wido, than so
many Popes, who have destroyed their opposers, by
the way of arms, that being the custom of these
barbarous ages.
But we are to make our observation upon the
140 Remarks upon the
chap, endeavours which the Popes have used ever since
this separation, to reconcile to themselves this part
of the Clergy of Milan and Italy, who had separated
themselves from the communion of the Church of
Rome. Alexander II. in the year 1067, sent two
Legates to Milan, who confirming what Petrus Da-
mianus, Cardinal of Ostia, had done, passed the same
into orders and regulations that were to be strictly
128 observed, as being pronounced in the name of God,
St. Peter, and St. Ambrose, under pain of the same
anathemas to the impenitent as were incurred by
Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, and by Judas, Pilate,
and Caiaphas, which are the very words of their
Lib. 1. order. But we find by the Epistles of Gregory
Epbt. 15. yjj to tne Lombards, that the Clergy of Milan
only laughed at these regulations, having chosen
Godfrey for their Bishop. And the said Gregory
seems on this account to look upon them as the
Epist. 23. great enemies of the Christian religion, and that he
did not think himself secure amongst them in the
year 1077? above all; because they took part with
Henry IV. against Gregory, whom they looked upon
as justly deposed.
Lib. 1. We find the same Gregory endeavouring to
pis ' ' strengthen his party against the Bishops of Lom-
bardy, in opposing to them the authority of the
Countess Beatrix, and her daughter Mathilda, who
called those Bishops the forerunners of Antichrist.
He endeavours to draw away the Bishop of Pavia
from taking part with those of Milan. He imme-
Lib. 1. diately excommunicated Godfrey, Bishop of Milan,
Lib?i.12" and successor of Wido, and orders the said excom-
Epist.15. munication to be published throughout the whole
Epist. 29. earth. He engages the Emperor Henry IV. to
abandon the cause of those of Milan and Lombardy,
who were called Simoniacs, only because they were
willing to maintain the Emperor's rights, in refe-
rence to investitures, against the enterprises of some
Popes that were before him.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 141
The following year he summons the Suffragans chap.
of the bishopric of Milan, and the Abbots of that
diocese, to come up to Rome, and to be present atLrt>. 1.
iL ' ■, l ' r Epist.43.
the council.
In short, we meet with nothing in the sequel but
reiterated endeavours to destroy the party of Italy
that opposed them.
Our business now should be to shew, that this
body or party has continued ever since until the
Reformation, under the name of Patarines, and after-
wards of Waldenses. But before we come to this,
we are bound to prevent the slanders, which the
malice of the Romish party has raised against these
separators. They have accused them to be an as-129
sembly of Cathari, that is., a sect of Manichees.
This is the notion the authors of the eleventh and
following centuries give us of them. Giraldus Cam-
brensis, who wrote in the year 1200, accuseth the
Patareans and Cathari with rejecting the carnal pre-
sence. Dist. 1. cap. 2. Gemma Eccles. MS. Lam-
bethani. Vincentius Belluacensis Specul. Histor. 1.
30. cap. 7- attributes several heresies to these Mi-
laneses.
CHAP. XV.
Concerning the belief of the Manichees, of their rise
in Italy, their growth and their establishment.
I CONCEIVE that the account I have given of
the state of the Church of Italy is sufficient to make
out, that as they enjoyed a sound knowledge in that
diocese, so withal there was a great disposition
amongst them, as well as in other western parts, to
embrace the grossest of errors. Christians and Priests
that are become Anthropomorphites, and who know
nothing of religion but what they have learnt from
images, which were justly called the books of the
142 Remarks upon the
chap, ignorant, have a great inclination to sufter them-
J selves to be imposed upon by impostures. Of this
we have a double proof. It was especially in the
tenth century that the opinion of Paschasius at-
tained strength and authority ; an opinion, which
we may well look upon as the most extravagant
folly that ever any man dreamed of whilst awake.
It was at the end of the same century, and the
beginning of the next, that Manicheism, the most
wild heresy the Devil could ever suggest, found
many followers in Italy and Aquitaine, which were
inhabited by the Waldenses and Albigenses. And
130 forasmuch as in the sequel it will prove of great use
to know this matter of fact, for the justification of
the Waldenses and Albigenses, and those who,
before they ever got these names, did in both these
dioceses defend the interests of truth, by distin-
guishing them from those who adopted the senti-
ments of the Manichees, we can by no means pass
it by here.
Bishop Usher indeed has already sufficiently done
this, in his Treatise of the succession of the Pro-
testant Churches, where he relates the arrival of
the Manieheans into the west. But because pro-
bably the Bishop of Meaux had never seen this
book, he was pleased to look upon the distinction
which the Protestants make of the Albigenses and
Waldenses, from the Manichees, as an evasion of
some late Ministers; it lies upon us, to prove it to
that degree of evidence, as that no doubt or difficulty
may remain in the case.
I know well enough that this would seem not
necessary with reference to the Waldenses, whom
the Bishop of Meaux only terms schismatics : but
though the Bishop be of this opinion, yet there may
be others found of his communion, as there have
been many before him, who will be little swayed by
his authority; and therefore the matter is well worth
our consideration.
ancient Church of Piedmont, 143
In the first place I shall lay down the substance chap.
of their belief. "
Secondly, I shall shew that about the year of our
Saviour 1000, some of these Manichees began to
spread in the west. And shall,
Thirdly, take notice in what particular places
they abounded.
In pursuing this matter on further, I shall make
it evidently appear, that the party of the Church of
Rome have made great use of the name of these
heretics, to persecute those who set themselves
against the errors and superstitions of that Church,
though indeed they had nothing in common with
the Manichees.
1. Then the Manichees held, that there were two 131
principles opposite to each other, and equally eter-EP5Ph-
i l i ii i -i ii Haer. 66.
nal, the one good, and the other evil ; and that con-
sequently there were two natures, the one of that
which was good, the other of that which was evil.
2. They looked upon matter as the effect of the S.Aug, i.
evil God, and took the flesh to be wholly evil ; andp^^*
therefore they abhorred the begetting of children, 4> 5> 6> 7.
and hindered it to the utmost of their power, by 29.'
condemning marriage.
3. They rejected the Old Testament, maintaining, s. Aug.iib.
that he who spake to Moses was the Prince of e
darkness.
4. They maintained, that the creation of man was s- Epiph.
performed by the same author, and that there were s. Aug. 1.
two souls in every man, the one good, and the other deduab.
bad ; the one proceeding from God, and the other
from the Prince of darkness. Thus it was they s. Aug. de
understood the conflict between the flesh and theHser'
spirit, whereof St. Paul speaks.
5. They denied free will, because otherwise Gods-A"&-de
would be the author of sin.
6. They maintained, that the New Testament had s. Aug. 1.
been falsified, and under this pretence they admitted ^^3.
only of so much of it as pleased them.
144 Remarks upon the
chap. 7. They denied that Jesus Christ had any true
flesh, maintaining, that he had only the figure and
s. Epiph. appearance of it, to delude the eyes. They denied
&Theod. his death and resurrection, and fasted on Sundays,
l.i.Haer. as in opposition and contradiction to our Saviour s
Fab. c. 26. V
resurrection. .
s. Aug. 1. 8. They asserted, that he was not come to save
Faust! c. 2. the bodies, but only the souls of men ; and they ab-
solutely denied the resurrection of the body.
id. vide 1. 9. They believed, that Jesus Christ was in the
sun and the moon, and the Holy Ghost throughout
the whoie air. When they worshipped, they turned
themselves towards the sun, and worshipped the sun
and moon, as containing Jesus Christ.
id.iib.de 10. They rejected Baptism, as unnecessary to sal-
H3er' vation.
132 11. As for the Eucharist, they asserted, according
id. 1.20. to the account St. Augustin gives us of them, that
nl'FaUSt' the Holy Ghost did beget Jesus Christ of the earth,
subject to suffering, who was, as it were, bound in
the ears of corn, and in the vine, but who by the
digestion of the stomach was set loose and at liberty;
yet they maintained withal, that wine was the gall of
the Prince of darkness, and therefore rejected the
use of wine in the Communion.
L.deHaer. $f- Augustin ascribes to these heretics a continual
& lib. de i« • ..... , . 11 1
Morib. Ma- contradiction in their opinions; and above all, he
nich.c.i9, sets forth their Eucharist as a thing so abominable,
as the very notion of it is sufficient to strike one
with horror, notwithstanding that they boasted them-
selves of keeping their mouths pure from any blas-
phemy against God, of never eating any flesh, or
drinking wine ^ of having their hands clean from
murder, and their bosoms pure and chaste, because
their elect gloried in their observing perpetual chas-
tity, and rejecting the use of marriage,
s. Aug. 1. As for his attributing to them, that they had an
Faust.", aversion for the relics of the saints, this seems to be
21- a consequence of their opinions concerning the ori-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 145
ginal of the body, which they looked upon as pro- chap.
ceeding from the evil principle.
12. They condemned husbandry, attributing toS-A"^1-
. j \ it & deHser.
trees and plants a sensitive lire.
13. They maintained, that war was altogether^. l. 22.
unlawful cont. Faust.
Unlawful. ... . c.74.etseq.
These were their principal heresies. As for the
discipline of their sect, it consisted of two orders,
viz. the elect and auditors.
The hearers had leave to marry, if they pleased ;
to eat flesh, and till the ground ; all which was for-
bidden to the elect.
The elect had the power of the imposing of
hands on their hearers, who kneeled before them, in
order to receive the said imposition.
There were twelve principal elect, who were
called the masters, who had a thirteenth that was
over them.
They had seventy-two Bishops, who were created 133
by those masters we have just now mentioned, and
the Bishops ordained the Priests and Deacons.
This is the account St. Augustin gives us of their
hierarchy.
Petrus Diaconus of Sicily, who wrote against in Bibiioth.
them about the year 870, makes it appear that hePat'
was acquainted with them, as having been with
them at Tibrica in Armenia, and conferred with
them. He dedicates his book to the Archbishop
of Bulgaria, advertising him, that the Paulitiani or
Manichees of Tibrica were resolved to send some of
their people into Bulgaria, to seduce those who had
newly embraced the Christian religion in that king-
dom. This was that which put him upon writing
this treatise, to forearm that Prelate against their
enterprises.
He accuseth them of dissembling their errors,
and of making such a profession of faith, as was
sufficiently orthodox, though indeed, and at the
L
146 Remarks upon the
chap, bottom, they opposed it; and makes a very exact
______ description of them and their errors.
He tells us, that they in appearance admit of the
whole Gospel, and all the Epistles of St. Paul; that
they confess the Trinity and Incarnation, but that
they elude these their confessions by equivocations,
till they have got an entrance into the spirit of those
who listen to them, and judge them susceptible of
their impieties, which then they freely discover to
them. He compriseth their opinions in six articles:
I. That there is a good God and an evil God ;
the first, the Creator of the world to come ; and the
second, the Creator of the world.
II. That they do not own the Virgin Mary to
have been the mother of Jesus Christ, whose body,
according to them, was brought down from heaven.
III. That they reject the Eucharist, denying that
Jesus Christ ever consecrated the symbols of bread
and wine ; but they explain those words in a mys-
tical sense, with reference to his actions.
IV. That they deny the cross of Jesus Christ.
134 V. That they reject the Old Testament, receiving
nothing besides the Gospels, and the Epistles of St.
Paul, to which they add the Epistles of one Sergius,
one of the heads of their sect.
VI. That they removed Priests from the ministry
of the Church. In a word, he sets forth their here-
sies much according to the account we find of them
in St. Cyril, Bishop of Hierusalem, Cateches. 6. out
of whom he has transcribed many long passages.
I will not trouble myself at present to set down
the account which later authors have given of the
Manichees. Emericus, in his Directory of the In-
quisitors, has made an abridgment of the opinions
of those amongst them, which he pretends appeared
in Italy, under the popedom of Innocent the Third,
who had for their master a person called Manes,
who lived then in the diocese of Milan. This good
ancient Church of Piedmont. 147
inquisitor, as we see by this, was not over- well chap.
acquainted with Church-history. However, he
takes notice of some articles, which it may be worth 2. p. direct.
while to observe here. Of the fourteen articles he 274. 'pas'
ascribes to them, these following may serve to clear
some things we have already set down concerning
the belief and conduct of the Manichees.
The second article is, That they supposed two
sorts of Churches, the one kind and meek, which
they said was their sect, and the Church of Jesus
Christ; the other malicious, which they said was
the Church of Rome, and very impudently called
her a Mother of Fornications, the great Babylon, a
Whore, the Devil's Cathedral, and the Synagogue
of Satan.
The third article is, That they condemned all the
degrees, orders, and ordinations of the Holy Church,
as well as her ordinances, which they corrupted ;
they called all those heretics that were of her com-
munion, and publicly taught that they could not be
saved in the communion of Rome.
The fourth article is, That all the Sacraments of 135
the Church of Rome, which were instituted by our
Saviour Jesus Christ, viz. the Eucharist, Baptism,
which is celebrated with material water, Confirm-
ation, Orders, Extreme Unction, Penance, and Ma-
trimony between man and wife, were all of them
vain and frivolous; and that like apes they feigned
certain other outward ceremonies, which had some
resemblance with them.
The fifth article is, That, instead of holy Baptism,
they fancied another spiritual Baptism, which they
called the comfort of the Holy Ghost; that is to
say, when they received any person, whether sick or
in health, into their sect, or ordained them by im-
position of hands, according to their execrable ce-
remonies.
The sixth article is, That instead of consecrated
bread, or the Sacrament of the body and blood of
L 2
148 Remarks upon the
chap. Jesus Christ, they supposed another sort of bread,
' which they called Blessed Bread, or the Bread of
Holy Prayer, which they took in their hands, at the
beginning of their meals, blessing it, breaking and
distributing it to those that were present, of their
belief, according to their ordinary custom.
The seventh article is, That, instead of the sacra-
ment of Penance, they said, that the true exercise of
penance did consist in following their orders, and
being of their sect: and maintained, that all those
who, being sick or in health, did keep the laws of
their sect, and their ordinances, did thereby obtain
the pardon of their sins, without any other satisfac-
tion ; yea, even without making restitution of those
things which they had unjustly got; affirming,
moreover, that herein they had the same power that
St. Peter and St. Paul, with the other Apostles of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, had. They said also, that
the confession of sins that is made to Priests of the
Romish communion is not of any use to salvation ;
and that neither the Pope, nor any other person of
that communion, had the power of forgiving sins.
The eighth article is, That, instead of the carnal
sacrament of marriage between man and wife, they
supposed that there was another spiritual marriage
between God and the soul of man ; when being per-
136 feet heretics, or in the abundance of consolations,
they received any one into their sect, and incor-
porated them into their order.
The ninth article is, That they denied the Incar-
nation of our Lord Jesus Christ in the womb of
the most holy Virgin. They asserted, that he did
not take upon him a true human body, nor the true
flesh of man, as other men take it from human na-
ture ; that he never truly suffered or died on the
tree of the cross; that he never truly rose again,
nor ascended into heaven with a body of human
flesh; but that all these things were only done in
appearance.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 14$
The tenth article is, That the Blessed Virgin Mary chap.
was not the mother of our Saviour Jesus Christ: 1_
they deny also that she was a carnal woman, but
maintained, that their sect was that Mary, that
Virgin, the true penance; that she was chaste, and a
virgin who begat children to God, as often as any
were received into their order and sect.
The eleventh article is, That they denied the re-
surrection of our bodies, and, instead thereof, sup-
posed certain spiritual bodies, or a kind of inward
men, in which they said the future resurrection was
to be celebrated.
The twelfth article is, They said and believed that
all those spirits that departed out of human bodies
went into the bodies of beasts and birds, if they were
not received into their sect, or incorporated into their
order, by the imposition of their hands, according to
the customary form of their ceremonies ; that all
these souls passed continually from one body into
another; for which reason they did not eat the flesh
of any living creature, nor ever killed any birds.
The thirteenth article is, That they held, that man
ought never to eat flesh, no, not so much as touch
it, nor cheese, nor eggs, nor any thing proceeding
from flesh by way of generation or carnal conjunc-
tion : which they also observed.
These are the heresies of the Manichees, which
Emericus sets down after another manner than they
are described by Archelaus, St. Cyril, St. Epiphani- 137
us, St. Augustin, Theodoretus, and Petrus Diaconus
of Sicily. It is visible that some part of these here-
sies were only chimeras, occasioned by some alle-
gorical expressions of those who then preached
against the Romish Church, but, however, most
maliciously and falsely attributed to the Waldenses
and Albigenses.
Notwithstanding this Emericus's mistake in the
account he gives us of the original of this sect, sure
it is, that it owes its birth to one called Scythianus,
l3
150 Remarks upon the
chap, who probably had been familiar with the Marcion-
ites. He left his doctrine to one named Terebin-
thus ; after whose death it came into the hands of
Manes, who mixed something of the Gospel with it,
and who gave the name to his followers.
This sect spread itself in Africa, Asia, Spain, and
Italy; and notwithstanding that in process of time
the Christian Emperors published several laws for
their extirpation, yet we find that there still conti-
nued a considerable body of them in the east. Theo-
Theoph. phanes tells us, that there were some of this sect
amongst the Syrians and Armenians in the eighth
century, whom the Emperor Constantine transported
into Thrace from Theodosiopolis and Melitene, who
spread abroad the heresies of the Pauliciani, (or
Publicani,) for so Anastasius calls them.
We find in the ninth century, an. 811, that the
Emperor Nicephorus favoured the Manichees, called
Pauliciani and Acingani, who lived in Phrygia and
Lycaonia. Michael Ranga being Emperor perse-
cuted them, killed some, and banished the rest.
We find in the tenth century, that Theodorus,
Bishop of Antioch, obliged the Emperor John Zi-
misces to banish the Manichees into the west, that
had spread themselves throughout all the east, and
had infected all places with their heresies ; which
Zonar.t.3. he accordingly did, as we find it reported by Zo-
misc.p 167. naras*
We find, since that time, that they spread them-
selves from Bulgaria (being thence called Bulgari,
and in the French tongue Boulgres) into Dalmatia,
and from thence into the western provinces, where
they were called Cattari, and thence by mistake
duM^" Cathari or Catharini, the Germans calling them
c.«. Ketters. And it is probable that from this school
came those Manichees that appeared in Italy, as well
138 as those that appeared at Orleans, in the year 1017,
and afterwards in Languedoc. Vignier has published
a fragment of an ancient author, who calls them
ancient Church of Piedmont. 151
Catharini, and who sets forth their settling of them- c^p*
selves in Lombardy, Tuscany, and in the Marchia; L-
that about the year 1023 their first Bishop was called
Marc, who derived his ordination from Bulgaria, who
afterwards, at the solicitation of one Nicetas, Pope,
come from Constantinople, he took orders of him,
and entered into the order of Druncaria. Afterwards
he represents the different parties and different
opinions amongst them. We find also, that Ray-
nerus, who in the thirteenth century gives us a de-
scription of their Churches, makes three sorts of
Cathari in Lombardy; observing that those who had
settled themselves at Tholouse were of the same
opinion with those who called themselves Albanen-
ses, or of Senzano in Lombardy.
Now, that we may make some use of this descrip-
tion of the Manichees and their errors, it will be
needful to observe,
First, That since they began to punish the Mani-
chees with death, it was very natural for those who
had a mind to destroy those they called heretics, to
charge them with their errors: so that we may here
very easily be mistaken between the true Mani-
chees and those to whom their errors were falsely
imputed.
Secondly, That since they had represented to the
people, that one of the characters of the Manichees
was, to dissemble their errors, and exactly to conceal
their abominations, they had a very good pretence
to condemn those pretended heretics for half Mani-
chees, who, according to the principles of the Mani-
chees, concealed their true opinions, though they
did so upon another ground, as the rigour of their
persecutors.
Thirdly, That in those barbarous and cruel ages, a
small conformity of opinions with the Manichees
was a sufficient ground to accuse them of Maniche-
ism, who opposed any doctrines received by the
Church of Rome. Thus would they have taken the
l 4
152 Remarks upon the
chap. Anabaptists for downright Manichees, because they
condemned the baptism of infants.
139 Fourthly, And indeed we shall find the prejudices
conceived on this account were so strong, that it has
made them to be accused of Manicheism, Whose
opinions evidenced that their principles were directly
opposite to those of the Manichees, with as much
ground as if we should accuse the Church of Rome
of Manicheism, upon pretence of her forbidding the
use of the cup with reference to the people, which
formerly was a note of Manicheism, as we find it
mentioned in the Decrees of the Popes, Leo and
Gelasius.
They accused those of Manicheism, that denied
the substantial conversion of the bread into the body
of Jesus Christ. They called those Manichees, that
would not worship the Virgin or the cross ; as if,
forsooth, they had denied that Jesus Christ took a
true body in the womb of the Virgin, or that he had
been truly crucified.
CHAP. XVI.
Concerning the Cathari spoken of by Evervinus
and St. Bernard, and their distinction Jrdrn the
Patarines.
WE are obliged to Mabillon for having communi-
cated to us the letter of Evervinus, Propositus of
Steinfield, in the diocese of Cologne. It is evident,
that he has described the same heretics whereof Eg-
bertus, Monk of Schonauge, makes mention in his
sermons. Only he distinguishes them into two orders,
the one whereof he sets forth to us as Manichees;
the others, whom he does not accuse of any thing
like what they were charged with. He makes so
ancient Church of Piedmont. 153
great a distinction between them, that it is very chap.
strange the Bishop of Meaux should confound them x '
as he does, as if they had been but one and the
same body of men.
Now, since it is very probable, according to the 140
judgment of Mabillon, that this letter of Evervinus
to St. Bernard furnished this famous Abbot with an
occasion of handling those controversies, which he
has touched upon in his sermons upon the Canticles,
it will be worth the while to set down the said let-
ter of Evervinus, as to its principal points ; and the
rather, because it serves to set forth the sincerity of
Petrus Cluniacensis in the manner he has taken to
treat those controversies, following therein very ex-
actly the notions of Evervinus, and carefully dis-
tinguishing those two sorts of opinions he opposeth;
whereas St. Bernard seems to have much more con-
founded them.
Now what Evervinus writes to St. Bernard, a little
before the year 1140, is this :
" There have been lately some heretics discovered t. 3. Annai.
" amongst us, near Cologne, whereof some with sa-jL ' et
" tisfaction returned again to the Church : two of
" these, viz. one that was a Bishop amongst them,
" and his companions, openly opposed us in the as-
u sembly of the Clergy and laity, the Lord Arch-
" bishop himself being present, with many of the
(( nobility, maintaining their heresy from the words
" of Christ and the Apostles. But when they saw
" they could go no further, they desired that a day
" might be appointed for them, upon which they
" might bring along with them men skilful in their
(i belief, promising to return to the Church, provided
" they should find their masters defective in answer-
" ing what was opposed to them ; but that other-
" wise they would rather die than depart from their
"judgment. Upon this their declaration, after that
" for three days together they had been admonished,
ce and found unwilling to repent, they were seized by
154 Remarks upon the
chap. « the people, being incited by overmuch zeal, and
! " put into the fire, and burnt; and (what is most
" wonderful) they entered to the stake, and bare the
" torment of the fire, not only with patience, but
" with joy and gladness. In this case, O holy Father,
" were I present with you, I should be glad to have
141 "your answer, how these members of the Devil
" could with such courage and constancy persist in
" their heresy, as is scarcely to be found in the most
" religious in the faith of Christ.
" Their heresy is this : They say that the Church
" is only amongst them, because they alone follow
" the steps of Christ, and continue in the imitation
" of the true apostolic life, not seeking the things
" of this world, possessing neither house, lands, nor
" any thing in propriety, according as Christ did,
" who neither possessed any himself, nor gave leave
" to his disciples to possess any thing. Whereas ye
" (say they to us) join house to house, and field to
" field, seeking the things of this world ; so that
" even they also, who are looked upon as most per-
" feet amongst you, such as are your Monks and
" Regular Canons, though they do not possess these
" things as proper, but as common, yet do they pos-
" sess all these things. And of themselves they say,
" We the poor of Christ, who have no certain abode,
" fleeing from one city to another, like sheep in the
" midst of wolves, do endure persecution with the
" Apostles and Martyrs : notwithstanding that we
a lead an holy and strict life in fasting and absti-
" nence, persevering day and night in prayers and
" labours, and seeking only from thence what is ne-
" cessary to support our lives, we maintain ourselves
" thereby, because we are not of the world. But as
" for you lovers of the world, ye have peace with
" the world, because ye are of the world. False
" Apostles, who adulterate the word of Christ, seek-
" ing their own, have misled you and your fore-
" fathers ; whereas we and our fathers, being born
ancient Church of Piedmont. 155
" Apostles, have continued in the grace of Christ, chap.
" and shall continue so to the end of the world. To L
" distinguish us from one another, Christ saith, By
" their fruits ye shall know them : our fruits are
" the footsteps of Christ. In their diet they forbid
" all manner of milk, and whatsoever is made of it,
" and all that is procreated by copulation. This is
" that which they oppose to us concerning their
" conversation. As to the Sacraments, they conceal
" themselves ; yet did they openly confess to us,
" that daily at their tables, when they take their 142
" meals, they, according to the form of Christ and
" his Apostles, do consecrate their meat and drink
" into the body and blood of Christ, by the Lord's
" Prayer, to nourish themselves therewith, as being
-" the members and body of Christ. But as for us,
" they say we hold not the truth in the Sacraments,
" but only a kind of shadow, and tradition of men.
" They also openly confess, that besides water, they
" baptized also with fire and the Holy Ghost, and
" had been so baptized themselves ; alleging to this
" purpose the testimony of St. John the Baptist
" baptizing with water, and saying concerning Christ,
" He shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and
" with fire: and in another place, I indeed baptize
" you with water, but there stands one in the midst
" of you, whom you know not, who shall baptize you
" with another baptism besides that of water. And
" that this other baptism was to be performed by
" the imposition of hands, they endeavoured to
" make out by the testimony of St. Luke, who, in
" the Acts of the Apostles, describing Paul's bap-
" tism, which he received from Ananias at the com-
" mand of Christ, makes no mention of water, but
" only of the laying on of hands ; and whatsoever
" else we find, whether in the Acts of the Apostles
" or in St. Paul's Epistles, they apply to this bap-
" tism ; and they say, that every elect (for so they
" call all those that are baptized amongst them)
156 Remarks upon the
chap. " hath power to baptize others whom they find
v ' " worthy, and to consecrate the body and blood of
" Christ at their meals. For first, by their laying
" on of hands they receive some of their auditors
" into the number of believers, and then they have
" leave to be present at their prayers, until that,
" after having had sufficient trial of them, they
" make them elect. They contemn our baptism,
" condemn marriage ; but the reason why, I could
" not get out of them, either because they durst
" not own it, or rather because they knew none."
143 We have here a very exact and circumstantiate
description of a sect of Manichees, if we please
to compare it with the account that has already
been given concerning them. And though we find
these persons somewhat different in their opinions
from the Cathari, yet, notwithstanding that, they
have put their name upon them, as if they also had
been Manichees.
But Evervinus goes on further in these words :
" There are also some other heretics in our country,
" who are altogether different from these, by whose
" mutual discord and contests they were both of
" them discovered to us. These deny that the body
" of Christ is made on the altar, because all the
" Priests of the Church are not consecrated. For
" the apostolical dignity, say they, is corrupted, by
" engaging itself in secular affairs, and the sitting in
" the chair of Peter; yet because it does not wage
" God's warfare as Peter did, it has deprived itself of
" the power of consecrating, which was so great
" in Peter; and what it has not itself, the Arch-
" bishops and Bishops, who live like men of the
" world, cannot receive from it, viz. the power of
" consecrating others : to this purpose alleging these
u words of Christ, The Scribes and Pharisees sit in
" Moses s chair; what therefore they bid you do,
" that do. As if such as these had only the power
" of preaching and commanding, but nothing more.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 157
" Thus they make void the Priesthood of the Church, chap.
" and condemn the Sacraments besides Baptism on- L
" ly; and this only in those who are come to age,
" who, they say, are baptized by Christ himself,
" whosoever be the Minister of the Sacraments.
" They do not believe infant baptism ; alleging that
" place of the Gospel, Whosoever shall believe, and
" be baptized, shall be saved. All marriage they
ie call fornication, besides that which is between two
« virgins, male and female ; quoting for this the
" words of our Saviour, wherewith he answers the
" Pharisees, What God hath joined, let no man se-
" parate; as if God did only join such together, as
" he did our first parents : as likewise those words
" of our Saviour, which he speaks to the Jews, in
" answer to what they objected to him about the 144
" bill of divorce, From the beginning it was not so ;
" and the following words, Whosoever marrieth her
" that is divorced, commits adultery ; and that of
" the Apostle, Let marriage be honourable to all,
" and the bed undefiled.
" They put no confidence in the intercession of
" the saints ; they maintain that fasting, and other
" afflictions which are undertaken for sin, are not
" necessary to the just, nor to sinners; because at
" what time soever the sinner repents of his sin,
" they are all forgiven to him ; and all other things
" observed in the Church, which have not been
" established by Christ himself or his Apostles,
" they call superstitions. They do not admit of any
" purgatory fire after death ; but that the souls, as
" soon as they depart out of the bodies, do enter
" into rest or punishment; proving it from that
" place of Solomon, Which way soever the tree falls,
" whether to the south or to the north, there it lies:
" by which means they make void all the prayers
" and oblations of believers for the deceased.
" We therefore desire you, holy Father, to employ
" your care and watchfulness against these manifold
158 Remarks upon the
chap. « mischiefs, and that you would be pleased to direct
" your pen against these wild beasts of the reeds;
u not thinking it sufficient to answer us, that the
" tower of David, to which we may take our re-
" fuge, is sufficiently fortified with bulwarks, that a
" thousand bucklers hang on the walls of it, all
" shields of mighty men. For we desire, Father,
u that for the sake of us simple ones, and that are
" slow of understanding, you would be pleased by
" your study to gather all these arms in one
" place, that they may be the more ready to be
" found, and more powerful to resist these mon-
" sters. I let you know also, that those of them
" who have returned to our Church, told us, that
" they had great numbers of their persuasion scat-
tered almost every where: and that amongst
" them were many of our Clergy and Monks. And
" as for those who were burnt, they, in the defence
" they made for themselves, told us, that this their
145" heresy had been concealed from the time of the
" martyrs until these times; and that it had been
" preserved in Greece, and some other countries.
" These are those heretics who call themselves
"Apostles, having a Pope of their own; whereas
" the other despise our Pope, and yet own them-
" selves to have no other besides him. These Apo-
" sties of Satan have amongst them continent wo-
" men, (as they call them,) widows, virgins, their
" wives, some of which are amongst the number of
u their elect, others of their believers ; as in imita-
" tion of the i^postles, who had power to lead about
" women with them. Farewell in the Lord."
This is the letter of Evervinus, whence St. Ber-
nard took occasion to refute these heretics in his
65th and 66th sermons upon the Song of Solomon.
And indeed we find that the beginning of his 65th
sermon contains a manifest allusion to the beginning
of this letter of Evervinus. St. Bernard chargeth
them in that sermon, that though they believed the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 59
Gospel, yet did forbid swearing altogether; and that chap,
notwithstanding this prohibition, yet they suffered XV1,
their disciples to forswear themselves, to preserve
the secret of their religion, p. 7^9- Edit- Paris.
2. He supposeth that their endeavour to hide^/^3,
their religion was a sufficient token of its impurity
with respect to manners.
3. He accuseth them for rejecting the authority
of the Old Testament ; though he seem to express
himself doubtfully on that point, ibid. 1.
4. He accuseth them of rejecting St. Paul ; though
he confesseth that this was not the judgment of
them all, but only of some of them : K. An forte
nee Paulum recipitisP De quibusdam it a aud'wi;
non enim inter vos omnes per omnia concordatis,
etsi a nobis omnes dissent iatis: " Probably you reject
" Paul also : for so I have heard of some of you ; for
" neither do you all agree amongst yourselves,
" though you all differ from us."
5. He accuseth them for falsely boasting them- 146
selves of their chastity, as having wives with whom
they lived in the same house, without being married
with them, ibid. M. and without being either their
wives, daughters, sisters, or otherwise of kin to
them. St. Bernard, who sets them forth as a sort of
people who were unblameable in their carriage and
behaviour, yet triumphs over them in this point;
accusing them of giving offence to their neighbour,
P- 761.
That which is very singular in this refutation of
St. Bernard is,
1. That at the end of his first sermon he gives a
description of them from p. 762. B. in these terms :
Vile nempe hoc genus et rusticanum, ac sine Uteris,
et prorsus imbelle; he relates their different opinions
as not certainly known ; and after that, he under-
takes to refute them, as if they deserved to be re-
futed.
2. That he asserts they were divided ; and yet
l6o Remarks upon the
chap, owns that he knew nothing about them, but from
_the answers they had given to some Catholics, or
what he had learnt from those who were entered
again into the Church. In all his first sermon there-
fore he insists on these two points : the first is, that
they concealed their opinions, which was contrary
to the behaviour of the Apostles. The other, that
their dwelling with women not married was a proof
of their impurity. The good Father, whilst he dis-
coursed thus, did not consider the rigour of the per-
secution they were under; and he had forgot that
Godfrid. Robertus of Arbrissel had practised the like conti-
Vind. 1.4. -,i r
ep.47. nence with women.
In his second sermon he lays down some part of
their opinions; and this he does like a declamator;
his first sermon having been spent in invectives
against them.
P. 762. 1. He chargeth them with condemning marriage.
2. He sets them forth as idiots, and an ignorant
sort of people, but withal dangerous, as introducing
again the heresies condemned by St. Paul, 1 Tim. iv.
p. 764. 3. He sets upon their title of Apostolical, as pre-
tending that they had no authors; and he only sus-
pects them of Manicheism, though he seems to have
147 freed them, from that imputation before, when he
p. 763. says, Quare cum illius secta authorem neminem
dabunt: " Wherefore since they can produce no
" author of their sect."
p. 763. 4. He saith, that some amongst them allowed
marriage only where both the parties were virgins.
p.764 5. He chargeththem with abstaining from meats:
Horrent lac, et quicquid ex eo conficitur; postremo,
guicqaid ex coitu generatur: "They abhor milk,
" and all that is made of it; and last of all, whatso-
" ever is generated by copulation." In which point
he suspects them of Manicheism.
p. 765. £>. He accuseth them of consecrating the body
and blood of Jesus Christ at their common tables :
Ad nutriendum se in corpus Christi et membra,
ancient Church of Piedmont. l6l
to feed themselves into the body of Christ and chap.
, xvi.
members.
7. He accuseth them of looking upon themselves P. 765.
as the only successors of the Apostles.
8. He accuseth them of mocking at infant bap-
tism, prayer for the dead, and the invocation of
saints.
9. He accuseth them of detracting and slander-
ing ecclesiastical Orders, of rejecting Church ordi-
nances, contemning the Sacraments, and disobeying p. 766.
her commands, under pretence that the Popes, the
Archbishops, the Bishops, and Priests were sinners
incapable of administering or receiving the Sacra-
ments.
10. Here he stops, as asserting that nobody
knows all their opinions, and that there is no way of
convincing them, because they will not admit the
authorities which they do not understand.
11. He confesseth that they had been examined
by water, and found guilty. Qucesiti Jidem (N.B.)
cum de quibus suspecti videbantur, omnia prorsus
suo more negarent, examinati aquce judicio, men-
daces inventi sunt : cumque jam negare non pos-
sent, quippe deprehensj, aqua eos non recipients
" When as they, after their manner, denied all things
" whereof they were suspected, being examined by
" the judgment of water, they were found liars: and
" being no longer able to deny it, because they were
" found guilty, by the water not admitting of them,
" they confessed their crimes, offered themselves to 148
" defend them to the death, and were knocked on
" the head by the people;" which St. Bernard finds
fault with, as desiring rather that the magistrate
might have put them to death by law.
12. He removes the scandal which their con-
stancy occasioned, they dying like true martyrs.
13. He pretends that the means of convincing
them, is to oblige them to quit the women they
have with them, or else to leave the Church.
M
\6C2 Remarks upon the
chap. 14. But for all this he observes, that they were
XVL supported by Princes, Bishops, and others, propter
qucEstum, for their interest sake, and who alleged it
as reason, that they could not condemn persons that
were neither convict, nor confess their crimes.
We may make these following reflections on what
St. Bernard saith concerning them.
1 . That he speaks of the same of whom Evervi-
nus doth.
2. That he confounds them together, whereas
Evervinus distinguishes them.
3. That the reason of their being reduced to dis-
semble their true opinions, was for fear of torments,
and of being torn to pieces by the people.
4. That the judgment of water having been em-
ployed against them, they had very just cause of
fear.
5. That their distinction is evident enough from
what St. Bernard himself saith of them, and that he
confounded them by malice or by mistake.
6. That their confessions did not satisfy the
Princes, nor the Bishops themselves.
7. That the Manicheism, which he objected to
them all, was not a true imputation to all of them,
since it is true the Manichees drank not wine.
8. That at last St. Bernard reduceth all to this,
that he would have them punish by excommuni-
cation, in case they did not renounce the company
of the women they had with them.
Petrus Cluniacensis has handled five questions
against the Petrobusians^ which bear a great re-
semblance with the belief of the Cathari of Italy:
but since the disciples of Peter de Bruis were seated
in the country of the Albigenses, we should confound
matters by treating of them here.
ancient Church of Piedmont i6*3
CHAP. XVII. 149
A continuation of the History of the Cathari in
Italy, as elsewhere, and their distinction from
the Patarines.
JjJLY design is not to abuse my reader s patience,
by setting down bere all tbat I could observe re-
lating to the history of the Cathari, from the writ-
ings of several authors of the twelfth and thirteenth
century, as of Egbert, Abbot of Schonauge, A 1 anus
of Lisle, Giraldus Cambrensis, and Bonacursius,
who gives us an account of their opinions, and of
their settlement in the dioceses of Cologne, Gallia
Narbonensis, Flanders, and the diocese of Milan.
Yet I cannot but represent to the reader, that the
malice or imprudence of these authors makes them
ordinarily to confound those whom Evervinus, in
his fore-mentioned Epistle to St. Bernard, had with
more care and honesty distinguished, and that whilst
they writ the history of the Cathari, they had an
eye to the Patarines, who had spread their belief
through all those places, and whom they designed
to make odious, by confounding them with the Ca-
thari, that is to say, with the new upstart Manichees.
Egbert, a Monk, and afterwards Abbot of Schon-
auge, tells us, that he had as often disputed with
these heretics as any of them were discovered
amongst the people, so that he seems to be a witness
well informed in the case, though he owns that he
had learned more of their opinions from those who
had renounced them, that is, from those who by the
force of torments, and threats of being burnt, had
abandoned their belief.
He sets them forth as men famous by their er-
rors ; " These are they who are commonly called
ic Cathari, a sort of people very pernicious to the
M 2
164 Remarks upon the
chap. " Catholic faith, which like moths they corrupt and
XVIL " destroy." And yet he adds, that they were di-
150vided into several sects, and maintained their opin-
ions by the authority of Scripture. " They are
a armed with the words of holy Scripture which
" any ways do seem to favour their opinions, and
" with these they know how to defend their errors,
" and to oppose the Catholic truth ; though indeed
" they be altogether ignorant of the right under-
" standing that is couched in those words, and which
" cannot be discovered without great judgment."
We may observe here, that this title of Egbert's
book doth not answer to the account Trithemius
gives us of it in his catalogue, who sets down only
p. 897. these two words, adversum hareses, lib. 1. Prophe-
tatum dudum tempora; whereas the title of it con-
tains a long description of these Manichean heresies:
Adversus pestiferos fozdlssimosque Catharorum {qui
Manichaorum hceresim innovarunt) damnatos er-
rores ac hccreses, Egberti Presbyteri, primo Eccle-
sice Collegiatce Bumiensis, Coloniensis diozceseos Ca-
nonici, demum vero professi monachi Schonaugien-
sis monasterli, utilissimi sermones, ex penetralibus
Evangelicis, et aliarum divinarum Scripturarum or-
mario deprompti. Ex quibus proculdubio fructum
plurimum metet diligens lector et candidus. Breve
ex Augustino de Manichceis excerptum, per eundem
Ecbertum. Possibly Trithemius had no mind to
trouble himself with quoting so prolix a title; but
certain it is, that neither Reginald's Epistle, nor the
first Sermon of Egbert, have the beginning which
Trithemius ascribes to it: which may give us just
cause of suspicion, that either the list they give us
under Egbert's name is none of his ; or, that some
part of it has been suppressed, according to the lau-
dable custom which is in vogue with the Roman
party in their publishing of authors. Nor is it with-
out reason they make use of this way, their zeal for
ancient Church of Piedmont. \6b
the Romish faith frequently obliging them to make chap.
use of pious frauds, by hiding or disguising the true XV1L
sentiments of those authors they publish.
But not to insist upon this, he represents to us,Serm. 1.
first, the extent and spreading of the doctrine of the Jibh pp?
Cathari throughout several places, as well as their Colon, edit,
different names. " They are increased to those mul-
" titudes throughout all countries, that the Church 151
" of God is in great danger of the poison they scat-
" ter every where against her; for their words spread
" like a cancer, and, like a flying leprosy, runs every
" way, infecting the precious members of Christ.
" These in our Germany we call Catharini, in
" Flanders they call them Piphles, and in French,
" Tisserands, from the art of weaving, because a
" great many of them are of that occupation. And
" as our Lord has foretold concerning them, they
" say Christ is in the inward rooms; for they de-
" clare, that the true faith and worship of Christ
" is no where to be found but in their meetings,
" which they keep in their cellars and weaving-
" rooms; and in such like dwellings under ground,
" they say, they lead the lives of Apostles."
Secondly, He sets forth to us their opinions, and p. 889.
the desire they have to multiply their disciples ; in
which regard we must own that he describes them
as true Manichees, who absolutely forbade marriage,
and all eating of flesh ; who rejected baptism with
water, and instead thereof substituted a false one,
in Spiritu Sancto et igne, " with the Holy Ghost
" and with fire ;" and who concerning the Eucharist
entertained the notions of the Manichees, and who
in particular maintained that souls were fallen
angels. But withal we are to observe, that he at-
tributes opinions to them that are very different
from any thing of Manicheism, and which Evervi-
nus attributes to another sort of heretics, of whom
he makes mention.
De animabus mortuorum, talent sententiam ha*
M 3
\66 Remarks upon the
chap, bent, quod in ipsa hora exitus sui, vel transeunt ad
XVIJ* (Bternam beatitudinem,vel ad ceternam damnationem.
Non enim recipiunt, quod credit universalis Eccle-
sia, viz. esse quasdam purgatorias pcenas, in quibus
anima quorundam electorum, ad tempus examinan-
tur pro peccatis suis, de quibus in hac vita per con-
dignam satisf actionem ad plenum purgatce non sunt:
propterea ergo arbitrantur superfluum et vanum
esse pro mortuis eleemosynas dare, missas celebrare,
et irrident pulsationes campanarum, quas facimus,
qua tamen pia ratione in ecclesiasjiunt, ut videlicet
vivi ad orandum pro mortuis commoneantur, et ad
memoriam proprue mortis excitentur. Missas qua
in ecclesiis celebrantur, omnino spernunt, et pro
152 nihilo ducunt. Nam si forte cum populo, in quo
habitant, ad audiendum missas, sive etiam adperci-
piendam Eucharistiam accedunt, omnino hoc simu-
latorie faciunt, ne infidelitas eorum possit notari.
Or din em quippe sacerdotii in Rom. Ecclesia, et
cunctis Ecclesiis Catholicas Jidei, omnino periisse di-
cunt, nee usquam nisi in secta eorum veros sacer-
dotes inveniri. " Concerning the souls of the dead,
" they hold this opinion; that at the very instant of
" their departure out of the body, they go to eternal
u bliss, or eternal damnation : for they receive not
" the belief of the universal Church, viz. that there
" are some purgatory punishments, wherewith the
" souls of some of the elect are tried, for some
(( time, for those sins from which they have not
" been purged by a plenary satisfaction in this life.
" Wherefore also they account it superfluous and
" vain to give alms for the dead, and celebrate
" masses ; and they scoff at our ringing of bells,
" which yet for pious reasons are used in our
" churches, to give others warning that they may
" pray for the dead, and to put them in mind of
" their own death. As for masses, they altogether
61 despise them, and look on them as nothing worth ;
" for if ever they accompany the people they dwell
ancient Church of Piedmont. 167
" with to hear Mass, or to receive the Sacrament, chap.
" they do this only dissemblingly, that their in- VIL
" fidelity might not be taken notice of; for they
" maintain, that the sacerdotal order is altogether
" perished in the Church of Rome, and all other
" Catholic Churches, and that true priests are only
" to be found in their sect."
Thirdly, He sets forth to us the original of these p. 899.
Cathari, which he pretends they derive from the
Manichees, notwithstanding that he himself ob-
serves, that they were not all of the same opinions.
These are his words; Multa tamen permixta habent
doctrine magistri sui, qua inter hcereses illius non
inveniuntur. Divisi etiam sunt contra semetipsos,
quia nonnulla qua ob aliquibus eorum dicuntur, ab
aliis negantur: " Yet have they also many things
" mingled with their Masters doctrine, which we
" do not find amongst his heresies. They are also
" divided amongst themselves ; so what some of
" them say is again denied by others." We may
see from hence, whether our author herein deals
with that candour as he ought to do, when, without 153
distinguishing between the different sects whereof
he treats, he endeavours to prove them all to be
Manichees.
1. From the conformity of their discipline with
that which authors tell us was amongst the Ma-
nichees.
2. From the conformity of their opinions.
3. From the account he gives us of some extracts
out of St. Augustin s discourse on this subject, with
design to draw a comparison between the opinions
of these new Cathari and those of old.
It seems to me to be very evident, either that
this author did out of malice confound these two
parties, against whom he disputes, which was avoid-
ed by Evervinus; or that he jumbled them together
out of ignorance, upon pretence, that there was
something of conformity in their opinions, though
m 4
168 Remarks upon the
chap, they differed in their principles, on which they
. 1_ founded their opinions, the one drawing them as
consequences from Manicheism, the other main-
taining them upon other principles opposite to the
Church of Rome.
We ought to make this observation with respect
to those authors, who in the twelfth century have
made mention of the Cathari with this kind of
confusion,
itai. Sacr. Ughellus tells us, in the Life of Galdinus, Arch-
bishop of Milan, that after he had persecuted them,
during the eight or nine years of his episcopacy, he
died in the year 11/3, by his over-vehement preach-
ing against them. Ripamontius, in his History of
Milan, gives us the sermon of Galdinus against the
Cathari, whom he calls Manichees and Arians. But
an indifferent judgment will be able to discover, that
that piece is of Ripamontius's own forging, and con-
sequently deserves no credit at all.
Spk. 1. 13. D'Achery has published the writing of an author,
who pretends to discover the doctrine of the Ca-
thari, of which he had been surely informed by the
conversion of one Bonacursus to the Roman faith,
who had been one of their Bishops, and had ab-
jured their doctrine. This author makes three sorts
of heretics, the Cathari, the Passagii, and the Ar-
noldistse, whose doctrines he refutes: but a wise
154 reader will easily discern a great deal either of
ignorance or malice in this author.
He accuseth some of these Cathari of maintain-
ing doctrines that are plain Manicheism ; but then
he jumbles others with them that are pure Arianism,
and others again which seem to have been defended
by the Paterines. I shall pass by those doctrines
that are wholly Manichean, as, that the Devil
created the elements ; that he made Adam; that the
old Law was given by the Devil, &c. as also those
that are Arian, as, that Jesus Christ is not equal
with the Father. It is evident, that amongst these
ancient Church of Piedmont. 169
he has mingled some which were maintained hy the chap.
Paterines, who were enemies to the Romish idolatry: '___
as for example, that the Cathari maintained crucem
esse characterem bestice, quce in Apocalypsi esse
legitur, et abominationem stantem in loco sancto.
Beatum Sylvestrum dicunt Antichristum fuisse, de
quo legitur in Epistolis, Jllius perditionis est, qui 2 Thes». a.
extollitur super omne quoddicitur Deus; a tempore*'
illo dicunt Ecclesiam esse perditam : " That the
f< cross is the mark of the beast, whereof we read in
" the Revelation, and the abomination standing in
" the holy place. They say that blessed Pope
" Sylvester was the Antichrist, of whom mention is
" made in the Epistles of St. Paul, as being the
" son of perdition, who extols himself above every
" thing that is called God; for, from that time, they
" say, the Church perished." We see clearly from
this passage, that he confounds the Paterines, or
Waldenses, with the Manichees, that having been
an opinion of the Waldenses, and not of the Mani-
chees, as the Papists themselves own.
He lays it down also as one of their opinions,
" That the Law of Moses is to be kept according to
" the letter, and that the keeping of the Sabbath,
" Circumcision, and other legal observances, ought
" to take place. They hold also, that Christ the
" Son of God is not equal with the Father, and that
" the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these three
" Persons, are not one God and one substance ; and,
" as a surplus to these their errors, they judge and
" condemn all the doctors of the Church, and uni-
" versally the whole Roman Church. Now, since
" they endeavour to defend this their error by testi-
" monies drawn from the New Testament and Pro- 155
" phets, I shall, with assistance of the grace of
" Christ, stop their mouths, as David did Goliah's,
" with their own sword."
He in particular sets down their cleaving to the P. 84.
old Law, in his first chapter, wherein he seems better
170 Remarks upon the
chap, to understand the Scripture than the Church of
XVIL Rome did, whose Popes, several ages before this,
imposed great penances on those who had eaten the
flesh of beasts dying of themselves, or of hens
drowned in a pit ; as we may see in the Penitential
Canons.
He does not so much as once mention the Ar-
noldists ; and we may take notice that his reason
was, because their opinions as to many articles were
the same with those he had refuted in the Cathari.
What I have already said concerning this matter
may suffice ; neither is it necessary to repeat the
same here.
It is difficult to determine the time wherein this
author lived. D'Achery supposeth that he lived
towards the end of the twelfth century: but the
manner of his speaking concerning the four doctors
of the Church, of St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St.
Gregory, and St. Augustin, makes me judge that
he wrote later.
But not to insist on this, we find, that Alanus at-
tributes to the Cathari almost the very same opin-
ions, in his first book against heretics, which he
wrote about the year 1192; and that under that ge-
neral name which he gives them, he comprehends a
great number of sects, who differed from one another
in their principles, some of them being Manichees,
others Arians, and others again holding the opinions
of the Reformed or Protestants. Some of the opin-
ions of these latter you may see in what follows.
chap. 39. He affirms, that some of these heretics believed
that Baptism is of no use to infants, because they
Chap. 41. were not guilty of any sin. And that others of them
held, that it was of no use, but only to those who
chap. 43. were of age. Others again, that it could not be of
any advantage to either of them both. He says
that some of them held, that that Sacrament was of
no use without the imposition of hands.
I06 I have, in one of the foregoing chapters, made
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 7 1
appear upon what occasion some of the diocese of chap,
Milan fell into these opinions concerning Baptism ;
which it is not needful to repeat in this place.
He tells us, that some of them believed, that chap. 47.
penance was of no use after Baptism, and that they
banished all those from their assemblies that sinned
after they had been baptized. And that others
were of opinion, that penance is of no use for the Chap. so.
remission of sins, because that is a work of grace.
He gives us an account of the opinion of others of Chap. 52.
them, who maintained it was sufficient for them to
confess their sins to God.
He takes notice, that they rejected the doctrine of chap. 57.
transubstantiation ; and that they condemned it, as
being an article that was not to be found in any Chap. 59.
Creed of the Church.
He saith, there were others amongst them that chap. 66,
rejected Confirmation, Orders, and Extreme Unc- '
tion, pretending that they were no sacraments of
the Gospel.
That there were others of them that had no regard chap. 69.
for churches, and refused to own them for the house
of God.
That they rejected the invocation of saints, and Chap. 72.
prayers for the dead.
I have given this account of the imputations
wherewith Alanus blindly chargeth the Cathari, for
so he calls them, in his 63d chapter, to evidence the
sottislmess or malice of this author: of his sottish-
ness we may take a scantling by the etymology he
gives us of the name Cathari, for he maintains that
they got that name from their kissing the hinder
part of a cat in their assemblies, the Devil appear-
ing unto them under that form. We may judge of
his stupidity by the contrary and contradictory opin-
ions which he heaps up together in the same book,
as if they had all of them been defended by the
same persons. Valentinians, Marcionites, Mani-
chees, Arians, all comes alike to him, as being names
172 Remarks upon the
chap, very proper to render his adversaries whatsoever
XVII
odious, whom he had a design to blacken to the
157 utmost.
We may judge of his malice by his jumbling so
different parties together, with design thereby to
make a greater impression upon the mind of his
reader. It is easy to perceive, that he sets forth the
errors of the Cathari, with allusion to the opinions
of the Church of Rome : she believed the absolute
necessity of Baptism, and she held it for an error
either to defer Baptism, as formerly had been prac-
tised, till they were grown up, as well as the opin-
ion of those who condemn her excess in raising it
to such a degree of necessity as she does.
She believed the absolute necessity of the Eu-
charist, as we may see in the synod of Arras, in the
life of heretics, and in Alanus; and he calls those
heretics who deny this article of faith concerning
the Communion.
They were at that time setting up the necessity
of confession, and Innocent III. soon after esta-
blished it by the Canon, Omnis utriusque sexus, &c.
and yet in the mean time the doctrine of contrition,
as restoring a sinner to grace and favour, was still in
use. This is that which is owned by Mathoud in
Pullum Cardinalem, and by Boileau in his Treatise
of Attrition ; and in the mean time they charge this
belief upon the Cathari as a crime.
The power of declaring remission of sin by a
laic is of the same nature ; the Church of Rome
admitted of it, and there have been a thousand ex-
amples of it in shipwrecks; and yet in them this is
censured by Alanus as an error, because they made
use of it as an argument against the absolute author-
ity of the Priests.
It may be some will imagine, that it was Alanus's
design to set upon the Albigenses in his first book,
as he makes it his business to attack the Waldenses
in his second. And probably the Bishop of Meaux
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 *J3
would not be wanting to make his observation, that chap.
consequently the Albigenses were mere Manichees ;
which will appear the more probable to him, first,
because he chargeth the Waldenses only with some
controversies of less importance, which they had
with the Church of Rome, concerning discipline.
Secondly, that writing to the Earl of Montpellier, he 158
seems rather to have had an eye to the Albigenses,
than to the Waldenses, whom he distinguisheth
from them, and sets upon in his second book.
But here, first of all, we are to take notice, that
the Waldenses and Albigenses had both of them the
same belief, as I shall be able to justify with God's
assistance. Secondly, we are to observe, that his
design being to set forth the Cathari in their colours,
without distinguishing them, as Evervinus and Pe-
trus Cluniacensis have done, he raked together all
the discourses that had been made against them,
without troubling himself about the examining of
them. Thirdly, that since there were some Ma-
nichees in the country of the Albigenses, he made it
his business to confound them with the true Albi-
genses, in order to render them the more odious,
and to draw down upon them the aversion and
horror of his readers, who were not of sufficient
capacity to search into the nature of the opinions
which he attributed to them, nor into their con-
nexion and incompatibility. Fourthly, we are to
observe, that though he lays nothing to the charge
of the Waldenses, but controversies of lesser im-
portance in his second book, his reason for that was,
because he had already sufficiently comprised them
in the first book.
However, I shall presently make it appear, that
the difference between the Waldenses and the Church
of Rome was not so small, that they could be looked
upon only as schismatics, as the Bishop of Meaux
has been pleased to imagine; and that the reason
why this author thus divided his book, was not to
174 Remarks upon the
chap, evince, that the Waldenses held no other opinions
XVIL differing from those of the Church of Rome, but
that he might range the questions he designed to
treat of under different titles, whosoever they might
be whom he was resolved to write against. And
for an evident proof that this observation is well
grounded, we may take notice, that Gyraldus Cam-
brensis saith, that the errors of the Paterines, or
Cathari, were principally about the Eucharist. It
Ms.mBibi.is in a MS. treatise of his, entitled, Gemma Eccle-
Lambeth. siasflca^ where we find these words ; Deus itaque qui
-" in omnibus operibus suis magnus est, et merito
magnificandus, in duobus hie pracipue se magnifi-
cum ostendit ; quod in illis mundi partibus, in qui-
bus haretici illi nostri temporis, qui P atari seu
Catari dicuntur, et circa hunc prcecipue articulum,
scilicet de corpore Christi conficiendo, errare nos-
cuntur, scilicet in Flandrm Jinibus, magis abun-
dant, hoc declaravit. " God therefore, who in all
" his works is great, and worthily to be magnified,
" has in these two particulars chiefly glorified him-
" self by declaring this in those parts of the world,
" viz. on the borders of Flanders, in which those
" heretics of our time who are called Paterines and
" Catharines, and who are known chiefly to err
" about this article of making the body of Christ,
" do most abound."
CHAP. XVIII.
That the Paterines and Subalpini were not Mani-
chees, as is evident from their writings, and from
their opinions' in the twelfth century.
AFTER this that I have said concerning the Ma-
nichees and the Cathari, it is the easiest thing in the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 75
world to justify those called Paterines and those chap.
Subalpini, that in the diocese of Turin separated '__
themselves from the favourers of the Roman party,
in imitation of the Clergy of Milan, who had their
meetings at Pateria.
It is clear enough, that all those authors I have
cited to inform us of the opinions of the Cathari, as
of a sort of Manichees, had in their prospect many
other pretended heresies, which they confounded
purposely with the Cathari or Manichees, as soon as
they perceived the least conformity between their
opinions and those of the Cathari, to make them
odious to the people, by insinuating to them that
those other, who were separated from the Church 160
of Rome, agreed in all, or almost in all, with the
Manichees.
But beyond that, we have a piece dated after the
year 1 100. of our Lord, entitled, The Noble Lesson ;
which is in the public library of the University of
Cambridge, given by Sir Sam. Mori and in the year
1658. This MS. is very ancient; and in the body
of this old Noble Lesson we find these words :
Ben ha mil e cent ans compli entierament
Chefu scritta loro che son aV derrier temp.
That is, iC Eleven hundred years are already past
" since it was writ, that we are in the last times."
Sir Samuel Morland gives it us at large in his His-Libl-C-6-
tory of the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont. P-"'etse(i-
Those who shall take the pains to read it will find
so much piety and purity as to matter of faith in it,
that they will hardly be able to suppose a Manichean
the author of it. The author, upon supposal that the
world was drawing to an end, exhorts his brethren
to prayer, to watchfulness, to a renouncing of all
worldly goods : he enforceth this consideration by
the uncertainty of life, and the certainty of death ;
by representing to them the day of judgment,
176 Remarks upon the
chap, wherein every one shall receive according to his
ytrjrj J O
deeds, either good or evil. He lays down the belief
of two ways, the one to glory, for the good, the
other to torment, for the wicked, as an article of
faith ; and he proves it from a review of the whole
Scripture, beginning at the history of the creation ;
concluding, that small is the number of those who
shall be saved.
He asserts, that the first principle of those who
desire to do good works, is to honour God the Fa-
ther, to implore the assistance of his glorious Son,
and the Holy Ghost, who enlightens us in the true
way. He saith, that these three are the Holy Tri-
nity, full of all power, wisdom, and goodness. He
bids us pray unto them for necessary assistance to
l6l overcome the world, the Devil, and the flesh, to the
end we may be able to keep our bodies and souls in
the way of charity.
He lays down, that to the love of God we are to
join that of our neighbour, which comprehends the
love of our enemies.
He speaks of the hope the believer hath of being
received up into glory.
He explains the original of evil and sin, which
reigns in the world, with reference to the sin of
Adam, which brought forth death.
From whence he saith Christ hath redeemed us
by his death.
He tells us, that men do imitate Adam in for-
saking God, to believe in idols.
He condemns the adulteries, the divisions, and
pride, that reign in the world.
He rejects the opinion of those who say, that we
ought not to believe that God created man to let
him perish, and proves the contrary; maintaining
from the Old and New Testament, that only the
good shall be saved.
He sets down all the judgments of God in the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 177
Old Testament, as the effects of a just and good chap.
God; and in particular the Decalogue, as a law XVIIL
given by the Lord of the whole world.
He repeats the several articles of the Law, not
forgetting that which respects idols.
After having shewed the judgments of God
against the wicked Israelites, and his favour towards
those that were good amongst them, he sets forth
the sending of the Saviour into the world; the
angel's message to the Virgin ; the conception of
Jesus Christ by the Holy Ghost ; the Virgin's being
betrothed ; her virginity; and lastly, the miracles at
his- birth.
He proceeds to the law of Jesus Christ, which he
declares to be nothing else but a renewal and per-
fecting of the old Law ; that the Law only forbade
fornication and adultery, but that the Gospel forbids
even wanton looks ; that the Law gave way to di-
vorce, whereas the Gospel forbids the marrying of
one that is divorced, and forbids divorce itself; that 1 62
the Law cursed those who were barren, whereas the
Gospel counsels the keeping in a single state; that
the Law forbade all forswearing of one's self, whereas
the Gospel forbids us to swear at all, and that our
words must be yea and nay. To this purpose he
repeats almost all the precepts of Jesus Christ on
the mountain, wherein he hath explained the Law,
and rendered it more perfect.
He had spoken before of the institution of Bap-
tism by Jesus Christ, and of the order given to his
Apostles of baptizing all nations. Afterwards he
speaks of the ministry of Jesus Christ, and of the
Apostles, of their poverty, sufferings, doctrine, &c.
He exhorts to the reading of holy Scripture, to
know the laws of Jesus Christ ; as likewise to be
informed that he was only persecuted for his good
works.
He observes, that his persecutors were the Pha-
risees, Herod's men, and the Clergy; that he was
N
i/ 178 Remarks upon the
chap, betrayed by the avarice of Judas; and that he died
XVIIL on the cross to save men by the bitterness of his
suiferings.
He describes the circumstances of the death of
our Saviour, his wounds, his burial, his resurrection,
his shewing of himself to his disciples, his ascension
into heaven, his promise to his disciples of being
with them till the end of the world. He sets forth
the miracle of Pentecost, the preaching of the Apo-
stles after they had received the gift of tongues, the
manner of their baptizing believers, and the perse-
cution of the apostolical Church.
He compares the persecutors of old, who had not
the faith, with those of his time. He denies that
ever any of the saints did persecute, but that they
were persecuted by others.
He takes notice of the small number of the Apo-
stles, who were the only true doctors, and compares
their fewness with the small number of the believers
and ministers of his time.
l63 He gives a character of the Waldenses, which is
very remarkable : " If a man," saith he, " who loves
" those that desire to love God and Jesus Christ ; if
" he will neither curse, nor swear, nor lie, nor
" whore, nor kill, nor deceive his neighbour, nor
" avenge himself of his enemies, they presently say,
" He is a Vaud^s ; he deserves to be punished : and
" by lies and forging, ways are found to take away
" from him what he has got by his lawful industry.
" In the mean time," saith he, " such a one comforts
" himself in the hope and expectation of eternal
" salvation."
He mocks at the malice of those who supposed,
that people whose life and behaviour was contrary
to that of the Waldenses, might notwithstanding be
good men and true believers. He threatens them
with damnation ; representing to them, that a death-
bed repentance, and the absolution of a Priest, who
does not cause restitution to be made, but who goes
ancient Church of Piedmont. 179
snacks with the penitent, promising him to say a chap.
Mass for him and for his ancestors, is of no avail. 1
He exposeth such confessions and absolutions
which were in vogue at that time.
He precisely asserts, that from the time of Sylves-
ter, all the Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, &c.
have falsely usurped the power of pardoning sin,
which belongs to God alone. He expresseth himself
in terms of so much energy, that I think myself
obliged to give the reader a view of them.
For I dare say, and it is very true,
That all the Popes which have been from Sylves-
ter to this present,
And all Cardinals, Bishops, Abbots, and the like,
Have no power to absolve or pardon
Any creature so much as one mortal sin ;
It is God alone who pardons, and no other.
But this ought they to do who are pastors,
They ought to preach to the people, and pray
with them,
And feed them often with divine doctrine ;
And chastise the sinners with discipline,
Viz. By declaring that they ought to repent, l6*4
First, that they confess their sins freely and fully,
And that they repent in this present life,
That they fast, and give alms, and pray with a
fervent heart ;
For by these things the soul finds salvation:
Wherefore we Christians, that have sinned,
And forsaken the law of Jesus Christ,
Having neither fear, faith, nor love,
We must Confess our sins without any delay,
We must amend with weeping and repentance
The offences which we have committed, and for
those three mortal sins,
To wit, for the lust of the eye, the lusts of the
flesh, and the pride of life, through which we
have done evil ;
We must keep this way.
N 2
180 Remarks upon the
chap. If we will love and follow Jesus Christ,
XVIIL We must have spiritual poverty of heart,
And love chastity, and serve God humbly,
For so we may follow the way of Jesus Christ,
And thus we may overcome our enemies.
There is a brief rehearsal in this lesson
Of three laws which God gave to the world ;
The first law directeth men who have judgment
and reason,
Viz. To know God, and to pray to his Creator.
For he that hath judgment may well think with
himself,
That he formed not himself, nor any thing else :
Then here, he who hath judgment and reason
may know,
That there is one Lord God, who created all the
world,
And knowing him he ought much to honour him ;
For they were damned that would not do it.
The second law, which God gave to Moses,
Teacheth us to fear God, and to serve him with
all our strength ;
l65 For he condemneth and punisheth every one that
offends.
But the third law, which is at this" present time,
Teacheth us to love God, and to serve him purely:
For he waiteth for the sinner, and giveth him time,
That he may repent in this present life.
As for any law to come after, we shall have none,
Save only to imitate Jesus Christ, and to do his
will,
And keep fast that which he commands us,
And to be well forewarned when Antichrist shall
come;
That we may believe neither his words nor his
works ;
Now, according to the Scripture, there are already
many Antichrists.
Many signs and great wonders
ancient Church of Piedmont. 181
Shall be from this time forward until the day of chap.
• i . A. V 1 1 1.
judgment;
The heaven and the earth shall burn, and all the
living die:
After which all shall arise to everlasting life,
And all building shall be laid flat.
Then shall be the last judgment,
When God shall separate his people according as
it is written,
To the wicked he shall say, Depart ye from me
into hell fire, which never shall be quenched ;
With grievous punishments there to be straitened;
By multitude of pains, and sharp torment :
For you shall be damned without remedy.
From which God deliver us, if it be his blessed will,
And give us to hear that which he shall say to his
elect without delay,
Come hither, ye blessed of my Father,
Inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the
beginning of the world,
Where you shall have pleasure, riches, and honour.
May it please the Lord which formed the world,
That we may be of the number of his elect, to
dwell in his court for ever.
Praised be God. Amen.
Now I defy the impudence of the Devil himself to 166
find therein the least shadow of Manicheism. This
poem contains such excellent and Christian lessons,
taken out of the Old and New Testament, concerning
faith, prayer, charity, chastity, and all parts of mo-
rality, that it may well be called a plain extract of
scriptural doctrine, suited to persons of mean ca-
pacity. We find therein also a refutation of some
errors of the Church of Rome, performed with so
much exactness and solidity for a work of that na-
ture, that no Papist can imagine it to be any thing
else but the work of a true Christian and Protest-
ant: but since every one that will may read it, it
being translated into English, without which, by
n3
* 182 Remarks upon the
chap, reason of the obsolete language, it would be difficult
"XVTTI
!_to be understood^ I do not think it necessary to set
down more of it here.
Only I think myself bound to make some remarks
on this tract, to prevent any difficulties that might
possibly arise in the mind of the reader.
We may observe, first, that this poem, entitled,
The Noble Lesson, hath these words, " That if there
" be an honest man, who desires to love God and
" fear Jesus Christ, who will neither slander, nor
" swear, nor lie, nor commit adultery, nor kill, nor
"steal, nor avenge himself of his enemies; they
" presently say of such a one, He is a Vaudes, and
" worthy of death." This name of Waldensis was
given to the disciples of Peter Waldo, as Peter Vallis
Cernaii expressly tells us in his history of the Albi-
genses; which being so, how can we suppose that
this piece was wrote about the year 1100, which is
above seventy years before the time wherein Waldo
first appeared. This is the first objection will be
made against the antiquity of this poem.
The second is, that the Waldenses, or disciples of
Waldo, having been partieularly famous for their
refusing to swear, it seems that this discourse cannot
be attributed to any but them ; which if so, it would
be concluded, that this discourse bears a false date,
and is not of that antiquity we pretend.
167 But it is easy enough to give a satisfactory answer
to both these objections. As to the first, we have
this to say, that it is not true, that Waldo gave this
name to the inhabitants of the valleys : they were
called Wrallenses, or Vaudes, before his time, from
the valleys in which they dwelt. This we find in
Autihaer. c. P. Damian's letters, who calls them Subalpini, that
2o* is, the same as Waldenses, and in Ebrardus de Be-
th une, who wrote in the year 1212, where he asserts,
that they called themselves Wallenses, quia in valle
lachrymarum manerent; " because they abode in the
" valley of tears :" so that we see that this etymo-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 183
logy rather has respect to the place where they lived, chap.
which was in the valleys of Piedmont, than to the L
name of Peter Waldo.
For the second, I confess it would have been of
some strength, in case the disciples of Waldo had
been the first that in the diocese of Italy had de-
clared their aversion from oaths: but we have
clearly shewed from Ratherius, Bishop of Verona,
and others, that this opinion took place in that dio-
cese long before Peter Waldo was born ; and besides
this, we know that it was an ordinary thing amongst
the primitive Christians to forbid swearing upon any
account whatsoever. There are some passages of
Scripture, which seem so express as to this point,
that we need not wonder if the Christians of that
diocese were led by them, especially before they
had examined the whole Scripture throughout ;
which was not an easy matter for them to do, the
whole body of Scripture being not yet translated,
that we know, but only some parts of it, and that by
the labour and care of Peter Waldo.
I find nothing more that can rationally be objected
against so express a testimony, which carries the
date of the time inserted in the body of the trea-
tise, but only this, which the Bishop of Meaux seems
to have had an eye to, viz. that the language in
which that piece is written seems to bespeak it of
a later date than the beginning of the twelfth cen-
tury; the style of it wholly agreeing with those
treatises that are confessedly of a more modern
date, though they have been published as written
in the year 1 120, or, at least, within the compass of
the twelfth century.
To which I have two things to answer; the first l6*8
is, that it cannot be thought so strange a thing, that
some have attributed to the pieces I have rejected a
greater antiquity than really they had, as being
found in MS. joined to a piece which signifies the
date of its composure. This is a mistake very in-
N 4
184 Remarks upon the
chap, cident to such who are not perfectly well versed in
1 l_the critical examination of MSS. But however, this
cannot prejudice the authority of a book that bears
its own date.
The second thing I have to say in favour of the
antiquity of The Noble Lesson is this ; that though
I cannot judge of the style of that piece by com-
paring it with other Italian monuments of the begin-
ning of the twelfth century, as having no MS. of
that age, nor compare it with the style of those ages
that immediately followed it, in order to discern the
difference between them ; nevertheless thus much we
may assert,
First, That if they yet spake Latin in Italy at the
beginning of the twelfth century, as may be judged
from this, that St. Bernard, who was a Frenchman,
spake without an interpreter in the churches of
Pisa, Milan, and other Italian churches, though in-
deed the case of Italy was like that of other places;
where, though the Latin tongue were understood by
most, yet the people had their particular language
they used amongst themselves : for Peter Waldo's
translating of the Bible, which must have been done
before the year 1180, shews, that in France there
was already a language different from the Latin
tongue, and which was more commonly and gene-
rally understood: and it would be easy for us to
prove, that in like manner they had at that time in
Italy a language different from the Roman, distin-
guished into several dialects, according to the dis-
tinct provinces thereof, and much resembling the
language spoken in Provence, which owes its original
to the Limosine tongue, which is a corruption of the
Latin. The gentlemen of the University of Cam-
bridge, who have in their custody the MSS. of
divers pieces of the Waldenses, and amongst them
an old MS. of some books of the Old and New
169 Testament, gives me a fair occasion to help the
reader to make this comparison; though I must
ancient Church of Piedmont. 185
confess it to be a thing of difficulty to accomplish, chap
because, although those MSS. of some parts of the
Bible are very ancient, it ordinarily happens, that in
these sort of books, which are for the use of the
people, men from time to time reform and alter the
style, that so they may not sound uncouth and bar-
barous to the people ; which cannot so well be done
in a piece of poetry, wherein nothing can be easily
changed, without spoiling the whole composure.
I do not intend here, in order to prove the opin-
ions of the diocese of Italy, to make use of a Cate-
chism published by Sir Sam. Mori and, and by Leger,
as written about the year 1100, nor of another trea-
tise of the Invocation of Saints,, which they pretend
was written about the year 1120; my reason is, be-
cause it seems to me that that Catechism quotes the
Scripture, as distinguished into chapters, which was
not till after the midst of the thirteenth century.
And as for the treatise concerning the Invocation of
Saints, it quotes the Milleloquium of St. Austin,
which was not composed by Fr. Bartholomeus of
Urbin till about the midst of the fourteenth cen-
tury. So that it seems these gentlemen founded
their judgments of the antiquity of these pieces on
too weak grounds.
However, it will be easy for us to make out, with-
out the assistance of any doubtful authorities, that
the twelfth century did not only preserve the opin-
ions of the Paterines, but also made them more clear
and distinct ; which will appear, if we examine the
opinions of Arnoldus Brixiensis, as well as the writ-
ings of zealous Papists, against those whom they
nicknamed Cathari, with design to make them pass
for Manichees.
We may truly say, that scarcely any man was ever
so defamed and torn, because of his doctrine, as was
this Arnoldus Brixiensis : would we know the rea-
son of it? It was because with all his power he
opposed the tyranny and usurpation which the Popes
XVIII.
186 Remarks upon the
chap, began to establish at Rome, over the temporal juris-
YA7TTT O J 1 O
diction of the Emperor. He was the man who by
170 his counsel renewed the design of reestablishing the
authority of the senate in Rome, and of obliging
the Pope not to meddle with any thing but what
concerned the government of the Church, without
invading the temporal jurisdiction. He it was that
made the senate and people of Rome send to the
Emperor Frederic, to know his resolution in the
point, and to acquaint him with the proceedings
they had already begun against the King of Sicily
and the Pope, in order to restore Rome to the Em-
perors, and to make it the head of the empire, as it
had been of old, without abandoning it to the power
DeGestis of the Pope and his Clergy. This letter is set down
T.r2di.lib'L b)7 0tho Frisingensis.
This was his crime; and this indeed is such a
one as is unpardonable with the Popes, if there be
any such.
As for the qualifications of this Arnold, the same
Bishop Otho sets him forth to us as a man who, being
but a simple reader of the Church of Brescia, for
the love he bare to learning, travelled into France,
to be an auditor of Abelardus, who at that time was
the common master of learned men. He tells us,
that upon his return to Italy, being endowed with
happy natural parts, and a great easiness of express-
ing himself, he behaved himself very regularly as to
his manners, and took upon him the habit of a
Monk, as a mark of the love he had for piety. This
truth cannot be acknowledged more plainly and
Epist. 189, distinctly than it is by St. Bernard. Otho sets him
195,196. forth as a man loving singularity and novelty, and
gives him a character very proper and agreeable to
a schismatic and heretical ringleader. He grounds
his judgment upon this, because upon his return into
Italy, he began to censure the Clergy, the Bishops,
and the Monks, and to seek the favour of laymen.
Dicebat enim, nee Clericos proprielatem, nee Epi-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 187
scopos regalia, nee Monachos possessiones habentes, chap.
aliqua ratione posse salvari. Cuncta hcec Principis XVIIL
esse, ab ejusque benejicentia in usum tantum Cleri-
corum cadere oportere. " For he maintained, that
" no Clergymen enjoying propriety, nor Bishops
" having regal jurisdiction, nor Monks having any
" possessions, could possibly be saved : that all these
66 things belonged to the Prince ; and that it was
" only from his beneficence the Clergy were to par- 171
" take of them." This same thing St. Bernard also Epist. 189.
reproacheth him with.
Those who have been a little conversant in the
history of the eleventh century and the beginning of
the twelfth, and who know the horrid dissoluteness
that then reigned amongst the Clergy, and in monas-
teries, will find no great fault with him for these his
opinions. Those who shall be pleased only to peruse
the books of St. Bernard, De Consider atione, to Pope
Eugenius II. will easily acquit him of the accusations
laid to his charge by Otho Frisingensis.
But there was yet a more heinous thing laid to
his charge, which was this : Prater h&c, de Sacra-
mento altaris, baptismo parvulorum, non sane di-
citur sensisse: (f Besides this, it was said of him,
" that he was unsound in his judgment about the
" sacrament of the altar and infant baptism." And
this was matter enough to condemn him ; for as he
thus industriously set himself to oppose the grow-
ing errors in the Church of Brescia, where he was
born, being supported by Maifredus, Consul of that
city; as Ughellus assures us, he was set upon by the itai. Sacr.
Bishop of Brescia, and some other religious persons, t4, p-740*
who accused him to the Council of Rome, under
Innocent II. who imposed silence upon him, lest
such a pernicious doctrine should spread itself any
farther. Otho tells us, that hereupon he retired out
of Italy, and settled himself in a place of Germany
called Turego,or Zurich, belonging to the diocese of
Constance; as may be gathered from the 195th
188 Remarks upon the
chap. Epistle of St. Bernard to the Bishop of Constance,
XVIIL where he continued to disseminate his doctrine.
Otho tells us, that he continued there till the death
of Innocent II. and that he came to Rome at the
beginning of the papacy of Eugenius II. which
shews, that the letter which St. Bernard writ to
the Bishop of Constance did not much lessen his
credit, or do him any great prejudice.
But we proceed to the upshot of his history,
which take as follows, from the relation of the afore-
said Otho.
172 " Being entered into the city, and finding it alto-
" gether in a seditious uproar against the Pope, he
" was so far from following the advice of the Wise
" Man, not to add fuel to the fire, that he greatly
" increased it, propounding to the multitude the ex-
" amples of the ancient Romans, who by the ma-
" turity of their senators' counsels, and the valour
" and integrity of their youth, made the whole
" world their own. Wherefore he persuaded them
u to rebuild the Capitol, to restore the dignity of the
" Senate, to reform the order of Knights. He main-
" tained, that nothing of the government of the city
" did belong to the Pope, who ought to content him-
" self only with his ecclesiastical censures. And so
" far did the mischief of this infectious doctrine pre-
" vail, not only to the pulling down of several of
" the Roman nobility and Cardinals' houses, but also
" to the personal abuse of some of the reverend
" Cardinals, who were wounded by the raging mo-
" bile? He could not think to escape long, after
committing so heinous a crime against persons ex-
tremely jealous of their tyranny.
u And as he for many days, that is, from Cae-
" lestine's death to these times, incessantly and irre-
u verently proceeded in these and such like enter-
" prises, contemning the sentence of the Clergy,
"justly and canonically pronounced against him, as
(i altogether void, and of no authority ; he fell at
undent Church of Piedmont. I89
" last into the hands of some, on the borders* of chap.
" Tuscany, who took him prisoner, and being pre- XVIIL
" served for the Prince's trial, he was at last, by the
" Prefect of the city, hanged, and his body burnt to
" ashes, (to prevent the foolish rabble from express-
" ing any veneration for his body,) and the ashes of
" it cast into the Tybur."
This was- the end of this great man, which was a
sufficient evidence of the veneration which the peo-
ple of Rome had for him, whose interests he had so
courageously undertaken to maintain against the
tyranny of the Popes, who without any title or
right, except that of their ambition, endeavoured to
subject Rome to their power, and to set up them-
selves for sovereigns there.
We find a confirmation of all this in Guntherus, 173
who in verse has described the life of Frederick. Lib. x
Those who are never so little acquainted with history
cannot be ignorant how furiously, for almost a whole
century, the Popes and their partisans were en-
gaged about the right of investitures, whereof they
had a mind to deprive the Emperors ; so that we
cannot conceive a greater occasion of hatred in the
Popes against any man, than was that which had set
them against this Arnold, who stood up for the
Emperors rights. But the sovereignty of Rome,
which they so much affected, and he so briskly op-
posed, filled up the measure of his crimes, and some
of the Emperor's men having taken him, probably
out of complaisance to the Pope, sacrificed him to the
ambition of the papacy.
However thus much is certain, that this bloody
execution was very far from pleasing all men; as we
may see from the complaints Gebehardus makes
upon that account, who looked upon it as a crying
piece of injustice, the guilt whereof did lie upon the
Bishop of Rome, and his Clergy, who were the pro-
curers thereof. The good man, it seems, was not
over-well informed, that the Church of Rome had
190 Remarks upon the
chap, studied the art of ruling, according to which, crimes
l^are not so narrowly to be sifted, as long as they do
but serve to confirm the pretensions of ambition to
the sovereign power.
Neither did this Arnold want followers, who upon
this occasion separated themselves from the Church
of Rome; as may be seen by a writing published
soon after by Bonacursus, Bishop of the Cathari of
Tom. 13. Milan; for this author concludes his work with a
D' long chapter against the Arnoldists, after he became
a convert.
In short, the pretended error of Arnoldus Brixi-
ensis was evidently against the definitions of the
Church of Rome : he had for a long time been the
disciple and companion of Abelardus, whence we
may conjecture., that he had also espoused his opin-
ions in the point of the Eucharist, and conse-
quently, that he was very far removed from the be-
lief of Rome.
1 74 Indeed, we find that St. Bernard, sending to Pope
Innocent II. a catalogue of the errors of Abelardus,
accuseth him of teaching concerning the Eucharist,
that the accidents subsisted in the air, but not with-
out a subject, and that when a rat doth eat the Sa-
crament, God withdraws whither he pleaseth, and
preserves where he pleases the body of Jesus Christ.
This is found in a MS. of one of St. Bernard's Epistles,
and has been suppressed by those who caused his
works to be printed. But perhaps it will seem more
probable, that this was rather a piece of raillery, or
consequence from the doctrine of transubstantiation,
objected by Abelardus, than any positive opinion of
his. Those who are acquainted with his genius, and
have read his works, will judge hereof as I do.
After all, we have good ground to believe, that
Arnoldus Brixiensis held the opinions of Berenga-
rius, as those of Italy did, who renounced the Pope's
communion ; for he absolutely condemned the min-
istry of the Church of Rome, as appears from the
ancient Church of Piedmont, 191
bookof Bonacursus already quoted. Indeed it seems chap.
• "WITT
difficult to believe, that he should have quitted the 1_
opinion of his country about the Eucharist, whilst
he continued to be of their opinion in that which
was the most important and capital article of all.
CHAP. XIX. 175
That the Churches of Italy were not founded by
Peter Waldo.
AFTER all that I have before observed concern-
ing the original of the Paterines, of their opposite
opinions to those of the Church of Rome, the spread-
ing of their disciples through several countries of
Europe, it appears very evident, that the keeping of
the truth in the diocese of Italy, and particularly in
the diocese of Turin, and in the valleys thereabout,
was the work of these Paterines and Subalpini, and
that we cannot, with any shew of justice, attribute
the same to Peter Waldo. / What kind of person
this Waldo was, whether a simple laic, or a Mani-
chee, will be of no concern to Churches which sub-
sisted long before him, under a ministry distin-
guished from that of the Church of Rome. Yet so
it has happened by the malice of the Papists, in
calumniating these Churches, and the inadvertency
of divers Protestant authors, that it is scarce possible
fully to satisfy our readers, without shewing what
share Waldo had in this reformation, which is ordi-
narily attributed to him, because it has pleased the
Roman party to denominate these Churches from
Waldo, as if it was he who had first founded them^
Whereas I affirm, that we are wholly beholden for
this notion to the Papists, who made it their busi-
ness to persuade men, that before Waldo began to
192 Remarks upon the
chap, contradict the Bishop of Lyons, and to propound
xix. new doctrines, which happened a little before the
end of the twelfth century, there was never a Church,
either in Italy or elsewhere, that was of his belief.
It is for this reason they so much affected to fix the
name of JValdenses on those who were of his opin-
ion. This we may see in Bernard, Abbot of Fon-
caud, as well as in Alanus, who wrote before the
176 end of the twelfth century. The polemical writers,
of the past and foregoing ages, have made use of
this mistake by a kind of prescription against the
novelty of the reformation. And as it ordinarily
happens that men suffer themselves to be caught by
the sound of words, and by these kind of prejudices,
which are set forth with so much affectation, it cannot
be denied, but that some Protestants, on this occa-
sion, have fallen into the snare that was set for them.
Wherefore, that I may once for all clear this
matter, I say, first, that it is absolutely false, that
these Churches were ever founded by Peter Waldo.
Let them shew us any author of that time, who
asserts, that Peter Waldo ever preached in the dio-
cese of Italy, or that he founded any Church there.
Let them produce any sure tradition of that people
referring the original of their Churches to Peter
Waldo. Those who wrote at that time do not tell
us any thing like this, no more than they who lived
after. Wherefore we must needs conclude it a pure
forgery to look upon Waldo as the person who first
brought the reformation into Italy we now find
there. I own, indeed, that by Peter Waldo's taking
care to have the holy Scripture translated into the
vulgar tongue, the Churches of Italy reaped much
benefit from that version, whereof we have to this
day some old copies in the library of the University
of Cambridge. But this does not in the least infer,
that Waldo ought to be considered as the founder of
them. I say further, that by the acknowledgment
of the enemies themselves of the Waldenses, it is
ancient Church of Piedmont. 193
absolutely false, that these Churches are of no older chap.
standing than Peter Waldo/ For this we have the XIX>
confession of Raynerus, an inquisitor, who lived
before the middle of the thirteenth century. He
ingenuously acknowledged, " That the heresy of
" those he calls Waudois, or poor people of Lyons,
" was of great antiquity. Amongst all sects, saith
" he, cap. 4. that either are or have been, there is
" none more dangerous to the Church than that of
" the Leonists, and that for three reasons : the first
" is, because it is the sect that is of the longest
" standing of any; for some say it hath been con-
" tinued down ever since the time of Pope Sylvester, 177
" and others, ever since that of the Apostles. The
" second is, because it is the most general of all
u sects ; for scarcely is there any country to be
" found, where this sect hath not spread itself."
Now, it is clearer than the sun, that Raynerus would
never have talked at this rate, if he had known, that
the first rise of this sect was not above seventy years
before he wrote this treatise; as we must acknow-
ledge, if we suppose Waldo to be the founder of it.
It is also unquestionably plain, that it was impossi-
ble for a sect to spread itself so far and wide in so
short a space of time.
/The Bishop of Meaux highly chargeth Beza for
saying, that the Waldenses, time out of mind, had
stiffly opposed the abuses of the Romish Church, and
that they held their doctrine from father to son, ever
since the year 120, as they had heard and received
it from their elders and ancestors. He tells us, that
the first disciples of Waldo were content to allege
for themselves, that they had separated themselves
from the Romish Church, at the time when, under
Pope Sylvester, she had accepted of temporal en-
dowments and possessions: a pretension which the
Bishop of Meaux calls ridiculous, as well as the
former. The reader who has perused my observa-
tions will be able to judge whether the Waldenses
o
194 Remarks upon the
chap, did falsely boast of their apostolical antiquity. And
!_as for that which was just now mentioned, that the
first disciples of Waldo did distinctly determine the
date of their separation from the Romish Church, to
the pontificate of Pope Sylvester, I own, with him,
that the tradition is not founded upon any sure proof.
But however thus much may be said to justify the
Waldenses, that as they had no exact knowledge of
history, so it would be very unjust to charge this
their ignorance upon them as some heinous crime, at
a time especially when darkness covered the face of
the Romish Church, and wherein the greatest doctors
of that proud communion were no better than very
children in that point. But if we search this matter
to the bottom, who was it that first invented this
178 fable, that the Church was fallen into a prodigious
corruption, upon occasion of the temporal endow-
ments bestowed upon her at the time of Pope Syl-
vester? Is it not notorious, that they were the Popes
v.Pape- themselves who caused the false donation of Con-
stantine to be published, which was made before the
year 850, to give themselves by this forgery an an-
cienter title to what they held in Italy, than those
late donations of Pepin and Charles the Great, and
thereby gave occasion to the dating the corruption
of the Church from the time of Constantine? Are
the Waldenses so unpardonably guilty for having
made this the date of their reformation, since they
never pretended to be great critics, and when they
saw that the Church of Rome, and the Popes upon
such a title, made it their only business to subject
all the world to themselves, per fasque nefasque,
right or wrong, which they pretended had been
formerly bestowed upon them by Constantine?
After all, the Bishop of Meaux knows well enough
that this donation was made use of in the time of
Otho I. to lessen the acknowledgment which was
due to him from the Church of Rome, and that the
same was inserted by Gratian in his decree, before
ancient Church of Piedmont. 195
the middle of the twelfth century. Who are they chap.
that allege this in their disputes? Is it not the XIX*
Church of Rome and her partisans ? If we doubt of
it, we need only to read Ecbert's treatise against the
Cathari, and we shall be fully convinced of it. He
wrote about the year ll6o. And since the diocese
of Italy was then already separated from the Church
of Rome, their posterity being deceived by the frau-
dulent pretences of the Papists, gave occasion to
these honest people to conceit that their ancestors
first appeared in the time of Constantine. But pray,
does not this pretension of theirs naturally suppose,
that a long time before there was in Italy a body of
men separated from the Church of Rome, though,
for want of skill in history, they were ignorant of
the exact time of their separation from the Romish
party?
But in the mean time, will some say, sure it is, 1 79
that Raynerus gives the name of Waldenses to those
of Italy against whom he writes. I confess he has
done so, when he calls them Leonists : but we are
also to take notice, that a more ancient author,
whom Raynerus quotes, viz. Tonson the Monk, calls
them Paterines, Rayner. cap. 6; which is sufficient
to justify their antiquity, according to what we have
made out in the foregoing chapter.
I own, that sometimes the Churches of the Valleys
have been denominated from Waldo, because he had
a great number of disciples, who joined themselves
with those who were already separated from the
Romish Church; but I utterly deny once more,
that ever they were absolutely called by the name
of Waldenses, because he was the first founder of
their sect. This is that which I undertake to make
out beyond all possible contradiction.
1. These believers of the Valleys could not be \
so called from Valdo of Lyons, because he did not
flourish at the soonest till the year ll6o, according
to Roger Hoveden, whereas the people of the
o 2
196 Remarks upon the
chap. Valleys of Lucerne and Anerogne had the name of
Wallenses from the beginning of the twelfth cen-
tury. I have already made it appear, that they se-
parated themselves from the Church of Rome long
before, and that the name of Wallenses, or Vaudois,
was given them from the place of their abode,
which the inhabitants called les Vans de Lucerne
et Angrogne, that is to say, the Valleys of Lucerne
and Angrogne, from whence came the Latin name
Val lenses, which was afterward changed to Valden-
ses, when the design was laid to make men believe
that Valdo was their first founder. This is that
which I have made out from Eherard. de Bethune,
cap. 25. Moreover, that they were called Vaudois
before Valdo, is evident from the poem which is
called, The Noble Lesson, which is in the University
library of Cambridge, which bears date anno 1100,
where they are so called.
180 2. I say, that Waldo could not possibly give them
his name, till after he had been condemned by the
Archbishop of Lyons, which was not till about the
year 1 172, by John de Beauxmains ; if so be it were
he that persecuted them.
3. I say, that in the Council of Lateran, under
Alexander III. in the year 1179? they are not called
Vaudois, but Paterines. True it is, that Gualterus
Mappeus, who assisted at that council, where he
disputed against them, calls them Valdesii, and
speaks of them, as if they had got that name from
Petrus Valdo, who had been very famous amongst
them. But it -is apparent that he did so only to
abuse them. Accordingly we find that the canon
of the Lateran Council speaks only of the Albigenses,
though it is evident he bestowed the severafnames
upon them of Cathari, Paterines, and Publicans
only, to render them the more odious; either as
having been restorers of old heresies, or as corre-
sponding with the heretics of the diocese of Italy,
or as being downright Manichees, which the term
ancient Church of Piedmont, 197
Publican implies, as we have had occasion to ob- chap.
serve elsewhere. XIX"
It may possibly be objected against what I have
now said, that divers authors have maintained, that
Peter Valdo was the author of the opinions of those
who were called Vaudois in the twelfth century.
This is that which is maintained by Bernard, Abbot
of Foncaud, published by Gretser and by Alanus, in
his book against the Vaudois, dedicated to William,
Earl of Montpellier.
But I have two things to answer, sufficient to
satisfy any equitable reader: the first is, that whereas
this Bernard, Abbot of Foncaud, who was of the
order of the Premonstre, entitles his book against
the sect of the Vaudois and Arians, he did not speak
so, pag. II98. BTT\ T. 6, buT by wilful mistake:
for, 1, he calls them Valenses in his title, Incipit
Tractatus Bernardi contra Valenses et Arianos.
The title of Valenses was their ancient name, taken
from the place of their habitation, and not from the ■
name of Waldo. 2. That the reason which he had
to make them Waldo's disciples, was on purpose to
have an advantage against them, from the condemn- 181
ation of their doctrine by Pope Lucius III. We
have this condemnation in that Canon, cap. ad aho-
lendum Decret. Grego. lib. v. tit. 7. c. 9. Whence it
appears, that the Pope thereby pretended to con-
demn two sorts of persons, who were equally oppo-
site to the Church of Rome.
1. Those who were schismatics from that Church,
and whom she had pretended to forbid the exercise
of Orders, as judging that their ministry could be no
longer lawful or valid after such prohibition.
2. Those whom she looked upon either as not
ordained at all, or ill ordained; as deriving their
mission from those whom the Church of Rome had
condemned. The words are these :
Imprimis Catharos et Paterinos, et eos qui se
humiliatos vel pauper es de Lugdunofalso nomine,
o 3
198 Remarks upon the
chap, mentiuntur, Passaginos, Josepinos, Arnoldistas, per-
XIX" petuo decernimus anathemati subjacere. Et quo-
niam nonnulli sub specie pietatis, virtutem ejus,
juxta quod ait Apostolus, denegantes, authoritatem
sibi vindicant prcedicandi omnes qui vel pro-
hibiti, vel non missi, prater authoritatem ab apo-
stolica sede, vel ab Episcopo loci susceptam, publice
vel private pradicare prcesumpserint ; et universos
qui de Sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini
nostri Jesu Christi, vel de Baptismate, seu de Pec-
catorum Confessione, Matrimonio, vel reliquis Ec-
clesiasticis sacramentis aliter sentire aut docere
non metuimt, quam sacrosancta Ecclesia Romana
prcEdicat et observat vinculo perpetui ana-
thematis innodamus. " In the first place we decree
" and judge, that the Cathari and Paterines, and
" those who falsely take to themselves the name of
" the humble or poor of Lyons, lie under a perpe-
" tual anathema. And forasmuch as some, under
" the show of piety, but denying (as the Apostle
" saith) the power thereof, take upon themselves
" the authority of preaching whosoever are
" either prohibited or not sent, and nevertheless
" presume to preach, either privately or publicly,
" without any authority derived from the apostolic
" see, or from the Bishop of the diocese ; as like-
" wise all those who are not afraid to entertain dif-
182" ferent opinions, or teach otherwise concerning the
" Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord
" Jesus Christ, or of Baptism, or the Confession of
" sins, Matrimony, or other sacraments of the
" Church, than the holy Church of Rome teacheth
" and observes we do herewith bind under a
" perpetual anathema."
What I assert doth further clearly appear from
these other terms used by Pope Lucius, who, though
he maintains that the heresies, which he mentions,
were sprung up modernis temporibus, of late time,
yet takes in with them the Arnoldists, whose rise
ancient Church of Piedmont. 1 99
was above sixty years before that: Arnoldus Brixien- chap
ses having been burnt at Rome in the year of our L
Lord 1155, as appears from historians.
As for Alanus, it is apparent that he followed the
same method.
1. He takes notice only of the Albigenses, against
whom he writes, dedicating his book to the Earl of
Montpellier, under the title of Waldo's disciples;
and he seems extremely pleased, that he had this
their original to object to them, which, as he sup-
posed, might serve for a prescription, his heresy
having been condemned in the Lateran Council,
anno 11 79.
2. It is apparent that he pleased himself in con-
founding the disciples of Waldo, who had caused
the Old and New Testament to be translated, and
had writ explanations upon it, before the year
!179j with the Manichees, who, we know, rejected
those books. I shall elsewhere lay open the first
rise and injustice of this calumny.
So that all that can be said with any certainty in
this matter is, that some of Waldo's disciples did
probably join themselves with the Churches of the
Valleys of Piedmont, being constrained thereto by
the persecution which dispersed them far and near.
But withal it is most true,
1. That Waldo was not the founder of the
Churches of the Valleys, which were in being long '
before him.
2. That it does not appear that he had any com-
munion with them: the authors who speak of him
telling us, that he retired into Flanders and Picardy.
3. That he died before the year 1 179? as appears 183
from the account Gulielmus Mappeus gives us.
4. That the greatest part of his disciples spread
themselves amongst the Albigenses, according to
the testimony of historians, which Albigenses were
in being before Waldo, as may be seen by the 65th
Sermon of St. Bernard upon the Canticles.
o 4
200 Remarks upon the
chap. 5. That those of them that came into Italy did
YTV ... _.- _- J
XIX
not give their name to the Churches of that country,
who before that were called Wallenses, from the
place of their abode, and that it was only the malice
of their enemies that made them pass for the disci-
ples of Peter Waldo.
CHAP. XX.
Whether the Waldenses were atjlrst only Schis-
matics.
A HE Bishop of Meaux maintains, that the Wal-
denses were a distinct sect from the Albigenses,
whom he terms Manichees. He pretends that the
separation of the Waldenses was for a long time no
Lib. n.desmore than a schism; " Because, saith he, when they
variat. v *
213,214. "first separated themselves from the Church of
" Rome, they had but very few opinions that were
" contrary to those of that Church, or, it may be,
" none at all." He pretends' they owe their rise
solely to Peter Waldo, a merchant of Lyons, wherein
he follows Raynerus, cap. 5. That the said Waldo,
following the motions of a pious zeal, but ill in-
formed, and being touched with the words of the
Gospel, where poverty is so highly commended, per-
suaded himself, that the apostolical life was no
longer to be found on the earth, and therefore
selling all that he had, resolved to restore and renew
it again: that this his example was imitated by
many, who were touched with compunction. He
184 afterwards accuseth them in the same discourse,
affecting to live upon alms, which made them at
first to be taxed with ostentation and affectation of
a proud and idle poverty. Afterwards he accuseth
them, in imitation of Pilikdorph, that having con-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 201
sidered that the Apostles were not only poor, but chap.
preachers also, they took upon them the office of 1_
preaching without mission, from which being barred
by the Bishops and the holy, they thence took oc-
casion to murmur against the Clergy, who opposed
their doctrine, as they said, only out of jealousy, and
because their doctrine and holy life cast shame and
reproach upon their corrupt manners. This being
the original of their schism, according to the Bishop
of Meaux.
Moreover he maintains, that Waldo was not a man
of learning, but that he had cunning enough to draw
in persons as ignorant as himself. He observes, that
this sect, which began now to increase, was con-
demned by Lucius III. as Bernard, Abbot of Fon-
caud, asserts, who saw the beginnings of it, and
who tells us, that this condemnation happened be-
fore the year 1185.
Lastly, he pretends that they denied none of the
doctrines which the Church of Rome teacheth ; so
that the sect of the Waldenses is a kind of Donatism.
This is that the Bishop of Meaux strongly endea-
vours to prove; 1, By making it appear, that the
first conferences that were held with them were
about the right they took to themselves of preach-
ing without the authority of the Bishops, and against
their prohibition, and upon some other questions of
the like nature. - 2. Because we do not find that
ever they opposed either the real presence, or the
sacrifice of the Mass, nor the Sacraments of the
Romish Church, nor any other of those doctrines
which the Protestants do reject. That it was only
about the year 1532 that they joined themselves
with the Protestants, and adopted the opinions of
the Reformation.
Now, forasmuch as the Bishop of Meaux has taken
a great deal of pains in this matter, and that he pre-
tends to have cited all the authors that speak of the
manner of their schism, and of the number of their
202 Remarks upon the
chap, errors, it will be necessary to make a nearer in-
xx" spection into the matters he with so much confi-
185dence does assert.
And here it would be sufficient to observe, 1 . That
all this is little or nothing at all to our question. If
the Bishop should prove that some of Waldo's dis-
ciples were only laics, yet would it not follow from
thence, that the Churches of the Valleys, amongst
whom they retired, were nothing else but assemblies
of laymen. We have made out the contrary con-
cerning the Paterines, whose separation from the
Church of Rome laid the foundation of the Churches
of the Valleys. 2. That it is very evident from the
bull of Lucius III, whereof I have quoted some part
in the foregoing chapter, that the Paterines had di-
vided themselves from the Church of Rome, not
only upon the questions of discipline, but also upon
several other questions concerning the sacraments;
and for which reason that Pope terms them heretics.
So that it appears, that the Bishop of Meaux was so
wholly bent to persuade his reader that Waldo was
the founder of the Churches of Italy, that he has
with all the care imaginable concealed from him
whatsoever might make him know that there were
Churches in those Valleys before Waldo.
But without engaging any further at present in
that question, whether the Waldenses were only lay-
men, it will be easy to convince the Bishop of the
falseness of all his pretensions, from those very au-
thors which himself has produced on this occasion.
I begin with the second article, because on its de-
cision depends that of the first, viz. Whether the
Waldenses did entertain any opinions contrary to
those of the Church of Rome. It was not merely
from a spirit of schism that they separated them-
selves from the Church of Rome, though they did
set forth the corruption which reigned amongst the
ministers of that communion; yet was it not this cor-
ruption alone that was the motive of their separation.
ancient Church of Piedmont, 203
But I do not intend to pass by the first article, as it chap.
is set down by the Bishop, because he took this way L_
only to impose upon his reader, though probably he
also may have been imposed upon, for want of due
consideration.
I maintain therefore, that the notion which the 186
Bishop of Meaux gives his reader concerning the
Waldenses, as if they had been only schismatics, is
one of the falsest notions imaginable. I have made
out, as may be seen by solid proofs, that they op-
posed themselves against the errors of the Church
of Rome, and that they made them the motive of
their separation. Lucius III. was well informed of
this, when he condemned them, cap. ad abolendum,
p. 97. Directorii. Conrard. Abbot of Ursberg, speak-
ing of this condemnation, acknowledgeth, ad an.
1212, that Pope Lucius "put them into the cata-
" logue of heretics, because of some superstitious
" doctrines and observances." Which are the very
words that the Bishop allegeth. The same thing
appears from the edict of King Alphonsus, published
in the year 11 94, in execution of the bull of Lucius
III.
Pope Innocent III. in his Epistle, writ in II98,
plainly declares, that he took them for heretics,
speaking of the Waldenses and Albigenses, as being
engaged in the same doctrine. This letter was di-
rected to the Prelates of South France, and to the
neighbouring Bishops of Spain, where the Walden-
ses had a great number of followers.
The Bishop thinks to invalidate these proofs by
two means, that seem very plausible ; the one is,
that Bernard, Abbot of Foncaud, relates a confer-
ence held at Narbonne, at the end of the twelfth
century, where only four articles were handled,
which all of them referred to questions of schism.
The other is, that in the year 1212. the Waldenses
came to Rome, to obtain the approbation of their
sect, which was refused them.
204 Remarks upon the
chap. If the Bishop had seen the extract of Mappeus,
xx' published by the learned Bishop Usher, he would
not have failed to have made the same reflections
upon it ; Mappeus observing that some of the Wal-
denses were come to Rome, under Alexander III. in
1179, to ask leave of the Pope to preach, which was
refused them.
But as to the Bishop's first proof, he therein
abuseth his reader; for we are to take notice, that
this conference was only about the preliminaries,
without entering upon the examination of the more
187 fundamental articles. Indeed they were only some
prejudices urged against them, on purpose to hinder
them from coming to the main points in question ;
a method of prescription, whereof the Romish party
have endeavoured to serve themselves long time
since, to stave off the examination of those articles
which reproached and exposed their corruption.
We know with what impudence the polemical
writers of the Church of Rome have employed this
method against the Church of England, though they
were sufficiently convinced of the validity of their
ministry.
The other reflection of the Bishop of Meaux about
the business of these Waldenses at Rome, under
Alexander III. and afterwards under Innocent III.
has no more ground than the former. The decree
of Lucius III. exposed the disciples of Waldo to the
persecution from the Emperor Frederick I. who at
that time gave up his power to the Church of Rome.
And the same was yet more rudely carried on under
Innocent III. Whereupon some of this poor people
looking upon the Pope as the cause of all their suf-
ferings, thought they might either justify their in-
nocence, by declaring their opinions in opposition to
these their adversaries, who accused them of being
no better than pure Manichees, or else be allowed
to preach by the Pope's general consent ; much like
what we read often about those times, that persons
ancient Church of Piedmont. 205
that were already Priests went to the Pope to obtain chap.
the liberty of preaching and wearing sandals, which
was then the mark of preachers : but the refusal that
was returned them, and the Pope's inciting princes
to wage war against the Albigenses, and the proceed-
ings afterwards of Pope Innocent against them in
theLateran Council, in the year 1215, are sufficient
arguments that they did not agree in their doctrines
about matters of faith.
Neither indeed have the Popish authors been
backward in setting down the errors wherewith
they pretended they were chargeable. St. Bernard,
in his 63d and 66th sermon upon the Canticles,
speaking concerning the heretics, whom he calls
Cathari, acknowledged!.; that they rejected prayers
for the dead, as also those addressed to saints. Pa-
melius pretends, that he spake as plainly of the 188
Waldenses as any of those that have writ since
against them. But possibly the Bishop may not
think these to be matters of heresy; at least lie
speaks very favourably of them in his exposition of
the Roman faith: wherefore we shall make it appear,
that they differed from the Church of Rome on
other articles.
Raynerius, a Jacobite, attributes to them thirty- Coussord-
three errors, whereof Coussord has published an ex-p.126. a
tract in these words: Hie fait primus eorum error,
contemptus ecclesiastics potestatis. Ex hoc traditi
sunt Sathance, prscipitati ab ipso in error es innu-
meros, et antiquorum hcereticorum errores suis ad-
inventionibus miscuerunt. Et quia ejecti sunt ab
Ecclesia Catholica, se solos Christi Ecclesiam esse,
et Christi discipulos affirmant. Dicunt se Aposto-
lorum successores, et habere auctoritatem apostoli-
cam, et claves ligandi ac solvendi. Romanam Ec-
clesiam ferunt esse meretricem Babylonem, omnes-
que illi obedientes damnari; maxime Clericos ei
obedientes a tempore Sylvestri Paps. Nulla mi-
racula vera, aiunt esse qua Jiunt in Ecclesia, quia
206 Remarks upon the
chap, nullus eorum aliquando mir acuta fecit. Omnia Ec-
clesice statuta post Christi ascensionem dicunt non
esse servanda, nee alicujus esse valoris ; festa, feri-
arum jejunia, ordines, benedictiones, qfficia Eccle-
sia, et similia, respuunt omnino. Ecclesias conse-
cratas, coemeteria, ac omnia talia, infamant, et cla-
mant ea pro avaritia solum a Clericis instituta, ut
ea ad suum quastum reducant, quo a subditis hac
occasione pecuniam et oblationes exquirant. Turn
primo hominem baptizari dicunt, cum in eorum
sect am fuerit inductus. Quidam eorum baptismum
parvulis non valere tradunt, eo quod nondum actu-
aliter credere possunt. Confirmationis sacr amentum
respuunt : sed eorum magistri manus imponunt dis-
cipulis vice illius sacramenti. Episcopos, Clericos,
ac Religiosos Ecclesm, Scribas et Pharisaos aiunt
esse, et Apostolorum persecutores. Corpus Christi
et sanguinem verum esse sacramentum non cre-
dunt, sed panem benedictum, qui in Jigura quadam
dicitur corpus Christi, sicut dicitur, Petra autem erat
Christus, et similia. Quidam autem, hoc dicunt
tantum per bonos Jieri; alii, per omnes qui verba
consecrationis sciunt: hoc in conventiculis suis ce-
lebrant, verba ilia Evangelii recitantes in mensa
sua, sibique mutuo participant es, sicut in Ccena
Christi. Dicunt quod peccator Sacerdos aliquem
solvere aut ligare non possit, cum ipse sit ligatus
189 peccator : e^ qu°d quilibet bonus et sciens laicus
alium absolvere valeat, et pcenitentiam injungere.
Extremam unction em respuunt, dicentes potius ma-
ledictiones esse quam sacramentum. Matrimonium,
inquiunt,fornicatio est jurata, nisi continenter vi-
vant ; quaslibet enim immundicias magis licitas
habent quam conjugalem copulam. Continentiam
laudant quidem, sed inurente libidine concedunt ei
satisfieri debere, quocunque modo turpi ; exponentes
illud Apostoli, Melius est nubere quam uri, quod
melius sit quolibet actu turpi libidini satisfacere,
quam in corde tentari : sed hoc valde tenent occul-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 207
turn, ne vilescant. Si aliqua honesta mulier, qua chap.
casta putatur, puerum peperit, occultant et tradunt xx"
eum alibi alendum, ne prodatur. Omne jur amentum
illicitum esse perhibent, inde vero et mortale pecca-
tum ; sed dispensant, ut juret quis pro evadenda
morte corporis, ne alios prodat, aut secretum revelet
perfidia sua. Prodere hareticum, crimen esse dicunt
inexpiabile, et peccatum in Spiritum Sanctum. Nee
malefactores per seculare judicium occidi licere
dicunt. Quidam eorum nee bruta animalia, veluti
pisces et hujusmodi, occidenda esse putant : cum au-
tem ea manducare volunt, super ignem et fumum
suspendunt donee moriantur. Pulices et similia
animalia excutiunt extra, aut vestem ipsam in
aquam calidam intingunt ; et tunc ea occidisse vo-
lunt, dicuntque ea per se mortua fuisse. Itajictas
habent conscientias, et in aliis suis observantiis, sicut
et in hoc existimari potest, quia scilicet veritatem
deserentes,falsis sejlgmentis illudunt. Nullum est,
secundum eos, purgatorium. Omnes autem mori-
entes statim vel in caelum vel in inf'ernum trans-
eunt : ideoque et suffragia ah Ecclesia facta pro
defunctis, nihil eis prodesse affirmant, cum in cozlo
non indigeant, et in inferno nullatenus adjuventur.
Unde colligunt oblationes pro defunctis factas Cle-
ricis qui illas comedunt prodesse, non animabus
qua hujusmodi non utuntur. Illorum dogma est,
sanctos in ccelo orationes fidelium non audire, neque
venerationes, quibus eos honor amus, attendere ; quia
cum corpora sanctorum hie mortua jaceant, et spi-
ritus tarn remoti sint in ccelo, orationes nostras
nullo modo auditu percipere valeant vel visu. Ad-
dunt et sanctos non or are pro nobis, et ob id sif-
fragia illorum non esse imploranda a nobis, quoni-
am ccelesti gaudio absorpti, nobis intendere, aut quid
aliud curare non possunt. Unde et solemnitates,
quas in sanctorum veneratione facimus, irrident, et
alia quibus eos veneramur. In diebus autem festis
(ubi possunt) occulte operantur, arguentes, quod 19°
*
eron
208 Remarks upon the
chap, cum operari bonum sit, bona agere in diefesto ma-
' lum non est. In Quadragesima, et die jejuniorum
Ecclesicc, non jejunant, sed carnes comedunt, ubi
audent, dicentes, quod Deus non delectetur in afflic-
tionibus amicorum suorum, cum sine his potens sit
eos salvare. x Quid am autem hceretici affligunt se
jejuniis, vigiliis, et hujusmodi, quia sine talibus sanc-
titatis nomen apud simplices acquirere non possunt,
nee eos simulationis Jigmento decipere. Vetus Tes~
t amentum non habent vel recipiunt, sed Evangelia,
ut per ea non impugnentur, et se defendant, dicentes,
quod supervenient e Evangelio, vetera omnia sint ab-
jicienda. Sic et verba Sanctorum Augustini, Jovini,
Leg. Hi- Gregorii*, Chrysostomi, Isidori et autoritates eorum
truncatas decerpunt, ut per ea suafigmenta appro-
bent, aut resistant, vel etiam simplices seducant fa-
cilius,pulchris sanctorum sententiis doctrinam sacri-
legam colorantes. Illas autem sanctorum senten-
tias, quas sibi vident contrarias, quibusque error
eorum destruitur, tacite prcetermittunt. Dociles, in-
ter alios complices et facundos, docent verba Evan-
gelii dictaque Apostolorum et aliorum sanctorum in
vulgar i lingua corde formare, ut sciant et alios in-
formare, et Jideles allicere, ac demum suam sect am
pulchris sanctorum verbis polire, quo salubria pu-
tentur quce persuadent : et ita per dulces sermones
seducunt cor da innocentum. Non solum viri, sed et
fcemince eorum apud eos docent, quiafoeminis magis
patet accessus adfoeminas pervertendas, ut per eas
etiam viros ipsos subvertant, sicut per Evam serpens
illusit Adam. Verbis coopertis loqui docent, ne pro
veritate studeant loqui mendacium; ut cum de uno
requiruntur, de alio oblique respondeant, et ita au-
ditor es versute deludant, prctsertim ubi per confessi-
onem veritatis errorem suum timent deprehendi.
Eadem simulatione ecclesias nobis cum frequent ant,
intersunt divinis, offerunt ad altare, sacramenta
percipiunt, confitentur Sacerdotibus, observant Ec-
clesice jejunia,festa colunt, ac Sacerdotum benedic-
ancient Church of' Piedmont. 209
liones inclinato capite suscipiunt: quamvis hcec om- chap.
nia, et similia ecclesiastics institutionis statuta ir- xx'
rideant, et prof ana judicent et damnosa. Aiunt suf-
Jicere ad salutem soli Deo, et non homini con/iterL
Et eos qui Sanctis offerunt luminaria derident.
Deinde sequitur in eodem libro : Inccepit autem hcec
secta circa annum ab incarnatione Domini 1170.
sub Joanne Bellomains, Archiepiscopo Lugdunensi.
Hcec sunt, candide lector, quce ex antiquo libro 191
membraneo, manuque ante ducentos nonaginta sex
annos per prcedictumfratrem Raynerium conscript o,
Jideliter transcripsimus. Ex quibus videre est hanc
Valdensium sectam, et prcecipuas, peneque omnes
(quce nunc vigent) hcereses, non recenter inventas
fuisse, sed eas ante trecentos septuaginta sex annos
venisse in usum. Quarum autores postea (ut sequi-
tur) damnati fuerunt .
" This was their first error, a contempt of ec-
" clesiastical power : and from thence they have
u. been delivered up to Satan, and by him cast head-
" long into innumerable errors, mixing the erro-
tc neous doctrines of the heretics of old with their
" own inventions. And being cast out of the Catho-
" lie Church, they affirm that they alone are the
" Church of Christ, and his disciples. They de-
" clare themselves to be the Apostles' successors, to
" have apostolical authority, and the keys of bind-
" ing and loosing. They hold the Church of Rome
" to be the whore of Babylon, and that all that
" obey her are damned, especially the Clergy that
" are subject to her since the time of Pope Syl-
" vester. They deny that any true miracles ape
" wrought in the Church, because none of them
" did ever work any. They hold that none of the
" ordinances of the Church, that have been intro-
" duced since Christ's ascension, ought to be ob-
" served, as being of no worth ; the feasts, fasts,
" orders, blessings, offices of the Church, and the
" like, they utterly reject. They speak against con-
p
210 Remarks upon the
chap. " secrated churches, churchyards, and other things
" of like nature; declaring that they were the in-
" ventions of covetous Priests, to increase their
" gains by spunging the people by this means of
" their money and oblations. They say, that then
" first a man is baptized, when he is received into
" their sect. Some of them hold, that Baptism is
u of no advantage to infants, because they cannot
" actually believe. They reject the sacrament of
" Confirmation; but, instead of that sacrament, their
" teachers lay their hands upon their disciples.
" They say, that the Bishops, the Clergy, and other
" religious, are no better than Scribes and Phari-
" sees, and persecutors of the Apostles. They do
192 ie not believe the body and blood of Christ to be the
" true sacrament, but only blessed bread, which by
" a figure only is called the body of Christ, in like
" manner as it is said, and the rock was Christ, and
" such like. Some of them hold that this sacra-
" ment can only be celebrated by those that are
" good; others again, by any that know the words
u of consecration. This sacrament they celebrate
u in their assemblies, repeating the words of the
" Gospel at their table, and participating together,
" in imitation of Christ's Supper. They say, that a
" Priest that is a sinner cannot bind or loose any
" one, as being himself bound: and that any good
" and knowing layman may absolve another, and
" impose penance. They reject extreme Unction,
" declaring it to be rather a curse than a sacrament.
* Marriage, say they, is nothing else but sworn for-
" nication, except the parties live continently ; and
" account any filthiness more lawful than conjugal
" copulation. They praise continence indeed, but
" in the mean time give way to the satisfying of
" burning lust by any filthy means whatsoever, ex-
" pounding that place of the Apostle, it is better to
" marry than to burn, thus, that it is better to sa-
" tisfy one's lust by any filthy art, than to be
ancient Church of Piedmont, 211
u tempted therewith in the heart. But this they chap
" conceal as much as possible, that they may not
" be reproached therewith. If any honest woman
" amongst them, that has the repute of chastity, is
" brought to bed of a child, they carefully conceal
" it, and send it abroad to be nursed, that it may
" not be known, They hold all oaths to be unlaw-
" ful, and a mortal sin : yet they dispense with
" them, when it is done to avoid death, lest they
" should betray their complices, or the secret of
(C their infidelity. They hold it to be an unpar-
" donable sin to betray an heretick, and the very
" sin against the Holy Ghost. They say, that
" malefactors ought not to be put to death by the
" secular power. Some of them hold it unlawful
" to kill brute animals, as fishes, or the like; but
" when they have a mind to eat them, they hang
" them over the fire or smoke till they die. Fleas
" and such sort of insects they shake off their
"clothes, or else dip their clothes in hot water, 1 93
" supposing them thus to be dead of themselves.
" Thus they cheat their own consciences in this
" and other observances. From whence we may
" see, that having forsaken truth, they deceive
" themselves with their own false notions. Accord-
" ing to them there is no purgatory; and all that
" die do immediately pass either into heaven or
" hell. That therefore the prayers of the Church
Ci for the dead are of no use, because those that are
" in heaven do not want them, neither can those
" that are in hell be relieved by them. And from
a hence they infer, that the offerings that are made
" for the dead are only of use to the Clergymen
" that eat them, and not to the deceased, who can-
f not be profited by them. They hold, that the
" saints in heaven do not hear the prayers of the
„ faithful, or regard the honours which are done to
" them; because their bodies lie dead here beneath,
" and their spirits are at so great a distance from us
P 2
XX.
212 Remarks upon the
chap, "in heaven, that they can neither hear our prayers,
A.X.
" nor see the honours which we pay them. They
ff add, that the saints do not pray for us, and that
" therefore we are to entreat their intercession, be-
" cause, being swallowed up with heavenly joy, they
" cannot attend to us, or indeed to any thing else.
" Wherefore also they deride all the festivals which
" we celebrate in honour of the saints, and all other
" instances of our veneration for them. According-
" ly, wherever they can do it, they secretly work
" upon holydays ; arguing, that since working is
" good, it cannot be evil to do that which is good
" on a holyday. They do not observe Lent or other
" fasts of the Church; alleging, that God does not
" delight in the afflictions of his friends, as being
" able to save without them. Some heretics indeed
" afflict themselves with fastings, watchings, and
" the like ; because without these they cannot ob-
* tain the reputation of holiness amongst the simple
" people, nor deceive them by their feigned hypo-
" crisy. They do not receive the Old Testament ;
" but the Gospel only, that they may not be over-
" thrown by it, but rather be able to defend them-
194" selves therewith ; pretending, that upon the com-
" ing of the Gospel, all old things are to be laid
" aside. In like manner they pick up the dipt
" words and authorities of the holy Fathers, Augus-
" tin, Ieronymus, Gregory, Chrysostome, and Isi-
" dore, that with them they may support their
" opinions, oppose others, or the more easily se-
" duce the simple, by colouring over their sacrilegi-
" ous doctrine with the good sentences of the saints;
" but at the same time they very quietly pass those
" places in the holy Fathers, which oppose and
i( destroy their errors. Those who are teachable and
" eloquent amongst them, they instruct to get the
" words of the Gospel, as well as the sayings of the
" Apostles and other saints, by heart, that they may
6( be able to inform others, and draw in believers,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 213
" and beautify their sect with goodly words of the chap.
" saints; that the things they persuade and recom-
" mend may be thought to be sound and saving:
" thus by their sweet discourses deceiving the hearts
" of the innocent. Neither do the men only, but
" the women also teach amongst them ; because
" women have an easier access to those of their
" own sex to pervert them, that afterwards by their
" means the men may be perverted also ; as the
" serpent deceived Adam by Eve's means. They
" teach their disciples to speak in hid and dark
" words, and instead of speaking truth, to endea-
" vour to speak lies : that when they are asked
" about one thing, they might perversely answer
" about another, and thus craftily deceive their
" hearers, especially when they fear that by con-
" fessing the truth they should discover their errors.
" In the same dissembling manner they frequent our
" churches, are present at divine service, offer at the
" altar, receive the sacraments, confess to the Priests,
" observe the Church fasts, celebrate festivals, and
" receive the Priest's blessings, reverently bowing
" their heads ; though in the mean time they scoff
" at all these institutions of the Church, and look
" upon them as profane and hurtful. They say it is
" sufficient to salvation to confess to God alone, and
" not to man. After this, it follows in the same
" book : Now this sect began about the year of our
"Lord's incarnation 11/0, under John Bellomains, 195
" Archbishop of Lyons.
" This is that, courteous reader, which I have
" transcribed out of an old MS. parchment book,
" writ 296 years ago by Friar Rainerius. From
" whence it appears, that this sect of the Waldenses,
" and the chief, yea, almost all heresies, which are
" now in vogue, are not of late invention, but have
" continued already above 376 years. Whose au-
" thors afterwards (as appears in the sequel) were
" condemned."
p 3
214 Remarks upon the
chap. Ivonet, in his Surnma, part. ii. cap. 2. accuseth
x V them of above thirty errors, as we find it recorded
by Pegna upon the Directory of the Inquisitors,
pag. 280.
iEneas Sylvius, who flourished in the year 1451,
makes a vast catalogue of them, in his original of
those of Bohemia, who we know were a colony of
the Waldenses, cap. 35.
Emericus, who lived in 1370, in his Directory,
sets down a list of twenty errors of the Waldenses,
part ii. q. 14. p. 278. We find the same in Bernard
of Luxemburg, who lived about the year 1520, Voce
Pauperes de Lugduno et Paterini, and in Alphon-
sus de Castro, who lived in 1530.
P.12G. Claudius Coussord, in the year 1548, sets down
an extract of Raynerius, in Samma de Catharis et
Leonistis ; and he follows his text, in his confuta-
tion of the Waldenses and Protestants, as being
almost the same.
So Albertus Cataneus represents the errors of the
Waldenses, as agreeable to our opinions. Hist. Ca-
roli 8. p. 291 ad 296.
Thus I have given, methinks, a sufficient num-
ber of witnesses, succeeding one another for five hun-
dred years together, who all unanimously deposed,
that the Waldenses were looked upon as heretics.
And yet notwithstanding all this, the Bishop of
Meaux stiffly maintains, that the Waldenses never
espoused the opinions of the Protestants, till after
the year 1532, at which time they united themselves
with them against the Church, of Rome. Was
there ever a more obstinate piece of illusion? Clau-
19^dius Seysselius, Archbishop of Turin, wrote against
the Waldenses before the year 1518. He began
his pontificate by persecuting them according to
the edicts of Francis I. and Charles Duke of Savoy.
His book was printed at Paris, in the year 1520, in
the first pages of which book he gives us an account
of the sequel of their continual persecutions ; he sets
ancient Church of Piedmont* 215
down their belief, which is almost wholly conform- chap.
able to their confession of faith in 1532; and yet the xx>
Bishop will needs still confidently maintain, that all
that Confession was only the fruit of their uniting
with the Protestants.
But however, the Bishop tells us, that they did
believe transubstantiation, and so they cannot be
looked upon as schismatics, such as formerly were
the Donatists. The monster of transubstantiation is
so dear to the Romish party, that it goes very hard
with them to disown those that own that. It seems
as if at this day it was the mark of Christianity. Be
accused of the worst of errors, yet if you do only
believe transubstantiation, you shall only pass for a
schismatic. Garnerius, the Jesuit, makes it as great
a crime in Nestorius, that he denied transubstantia-
tion, as he pretends he did, as if he had overthrown
the mystery of the incarnation: and thus the Bishop
of Meaux seems only to consider the Waldenses as
schismatics, because, as he saith, they owned that
doctrine. However, we shall find that it will be
very difficult for the Bishop to make out this his
assertion by such proofs as may be able to satisfy
his reader.
First, What has he to say against that multitude
of witnesses of his own communion, who so plainly
assert, that they rejected transubstantiation ? I have
but just now set down the passages themselves. If
he accuse them of having suffered themselves to be
deceived in so important an article, what credit can
their testimonies deserve, when they form against
them such horrid accusations upon other points?
Truly we are obliged to the Bishop for furnishing
us with so good an answer, and we want only his in-
genuity to make use of it upon occasion.
Secondly, What can the Bishop say to the con- 197
fessions of faith of the Waldenses, wherein they
formally reject this doctrine.
The Bishop here offers two things which swayed
p 4
2l6 Remarks upon the
chap, him, so easy is he to be determined by appearances.
The one is, that it appears from the first conferences
that were held with the Waldenses, as that of Ber-
nard, Abbot of Foncaud, that they did not reject
transubstantiation, because no mention is made of
it throughout the whole dispute, which the said
Bernard has penned very exactly. This he confirms
by several trials of the Waldenses, whereof the pro-
ceedings are in Mr. Colbert's library.
The other is, that it seems very probable, that the
Confession of Faith, printed in the History of Perrin,
is a late thing, and drawn up since the reformation.
Nothing can be more impertinent than these an-
swers. If this way of arguing be good, it must fol-
low, either that the Waldenses have changed their
belief since Bernard, Abbot of Foncaud, that is since
the end of the twelfth century, until the year 1250,
or that Raynerius was a mere slanderer.
It must also follow, that the Inquisitors that ex-
amined them about this article, as about an article
which the Waldenses constantly rejected, were very
knaves, or blockheads who understood nothing of
the business of the Inquisition.
But to speak freely, the Inquisitors deserve but
small credit, if they speak otherwise than their Di-
rectory adviseth, which they are to follow, as the
lesson that is given them, for their direction in the
exercise of their oftice: and I shall make it appear,
as I go on, by giving a scantling of their honesty and
fair dealing, how little cause the Bishop had to rely
upon them.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 217
CHAP. XXI. l98
Concerning the state of the Church of Rome, at the
time of the separation of the Paterines or JVaU
denses ; together with the accusations charged
upon them by the said Church, and the idea they
had conceived of her.
X HE account I have but now given from Rayne-
rius and other authors, who have made a catalogue
of the errors of the Waldenses, is abundantly suffi-
cient to refute the vain pretence of the Bishop of
Meaux, who supposeth that the Waldenses were
only schismatics. But forasmuch as it is not un-
likely but the Papists will disown the Bishop in this
particular, as well as they do in so many others, it is
but natural to endeavour to obviate the objections
they may frame against the Churches of Piedmont.
1. They will probably allege, that the Paterines
never accused the Church of Rome of so great a
number of errors as the Waldenses do.
2. They may say, that the Waldenses were really
guilty of a multitude of errors and heresies, which
the authors that I have cited after Raynerius do
unanimously charge them with.
3. They may probably take notice, that the Wal-
denses had an article in their belief, whereof we find
no mention made in the reasons alleged by the
Paterines in justification of their separating from the
Church of Rome, viz. that the Waldenses declared
the Pope to be antichrist, and the Church of Rome
the whore of Babylon, spoken of in the Revelation,
which does not appear to have been any part of the )
Paterines' belief.
It will be an easy matter to satisfy any reason- 199
able person about the first of these objections : and
to this purpose it will be of importance to consider,
what was the state of the Romish Church at the
time when a part of the diocese of Milan, with di-
218 Remarks upon the
chap, vers Bishops at the head of them, were obliged to
XXL separate themselves from it. There is a foolish per-
suasion entertained by the generality of those of the
Romish communion, that their Church has ever
continued in the same state ; whence they naturally
infer, as the Bishop of Meaux does, that since the
Paterines or Waldenses did not at first reject all
those doctrines of the Church of Rome, which in
their later Confessions they have condemned; it may
well be supposed they owned and professed the
same with that Church. How gross a delusion this
is, will be easily made out by manifesting that the
Church of Rome, ever since the time of this sepa-
ration, has declined from bad to worse, and that the
reason why the Waldenses did not at first oppose all
those doctrines which we at this day reject, was
because they were not as yet hatched, a great part
of them being beholden to the subtil ty of the School-
men for their original, who were not in being at the
time of their separation; or because the said doc-
trines were not looked upon by the Church of
Rome to be essential, as necessarily to require the
profession or practice of them from those of her
communion.
The state of the Church of Rome, with reference
to her faith concerning the articles about which we
contest with her at this day, will appear from the
following particulars.
1. She did not impose a necessity of equalizing
the authority of the Apocrypha with the canoni-
cal books of Scripture. This incontestably appears
from the testimony of all her own authors that have
been since the eleventh century, to the Council of
Trent, which first imposed it. Accordingly we find
the same distinction we make of apocryphal and ca-
nonical books, in the writings of Radulphus Gisel-
bertus, Rupertus, Honorius Augustod. Peter, Abbot
200 of Clugny, against the Petrobus. Hugo de Sancto
Victore, Richard us de Sancto Victore, Petrus Co-
ancient Church of Piedmont, 219
mestor, Cardinal Hugo, Nicolaus de Lyra, Brito the chap
Franciscan, Thomas Aquinas, Joannes Semeca,
Ocham, Hervaeus, St. Antoninus, Tostatus, Diony-
sius the Carthusian, Cardinal Ximenes, Cardinal Ca-
jetan, Josse Clithou, and in the writings of all those
who placed the Prologus Galeatus of St. Jerome
before the Bible, though in divers copies the word
Hagiographi was put instead of Apocryphi, which
word St. Jerome had attributed to authors whose
authority we reject, as some Papists have observed
in their editions.
The Church of Rome did not believe that tra-
dition was a sufficient ground to build articles of
faith on, though the second Council of Nice sup-
posed it was only to maintain the worship of idols,
as appears from the account Thomas Aquinas has
given us.
At that time indeed all the faith necessary to be
believed by a Christian was reduced to the Apostles'
Creed ; Leo X. being the first who determined that
the Popes had power to make new articles of faith,
as well as a new rule of manners. In bulla Exurge.
The reading of the Scripture was not forbid to
laymen until the year 1200. Innocent III. Epist. ad
Metenses.
Councils were not believed to be infallible, though
the Popes presided in them. The history of the ages
succeeding the tenth century are filled with ex-
amples that put this out of doubt. To this purpose
the reader may consult the treatise concerning the
Unity of the Church, written by Venericus, Bishop
of Verceil, the works of Ocham upon the deposition
of the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, of Peter d'Ailly,
,/Eneas Sylvius, and of many others; which will
fully convince him of the truth I assert.
It was not believed that the Christians did merit
any thing by their good works, but persons on their
death-beds were obliged formally to profess the
contrary^ in their last or death-bed confessions, as
XXI.
220 Remarks upon the
chap, appears by the form prescribed to that purpose by
Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury.
201 Indulgences, which came into request some time
after the separation of the diocese of Milan, were
looked upon only as pious frauds. This was the
notion Petrus Cantor gavev of them ; and it is ap-
parent, that till the fourteenth century, that which
at present is owned to be the ground of them, was
rejected. Jubilees were never heard of until the
time of Pope Boniface VIII. that is to say, in the
year 1300.
It was not believed, that notwithstanding pre-
ceding contrition, absolution was necessarily re-
quired, to obtain remission of sins ; but on the con-
trary, that contrition for sin was sufficient to restore
the sinner to a state of grace.
It was not believed, that St. James, in the fifth
chapter of his Epistle, speaks of auricular confession;
neither indeed was there any use of confession, ex-
cept in public penances, which by little and little
began to wear out of use after the twelfth century.
And the necessity of confessing once a year was not
imposed till the year 1215, by Pope Innocent III.
Neither was the necessity of the Priest's intention
believed at that time, as appears from the writings
of Adelman of Brixia against Berengarius, as well as
by those of Petrus Damianus and many others.
It was not believed that marriage was forbid to
Priests, otherwise than only by human constitu-
tions ; as may be seen in the common canon law of
Gratian.
The sacrament of the Eucharist was not believed
to be an object of adoration. We find nothing of it
in all Berengarius's disputation : we read also, that
Henry II. King of England, adored the cross on his
death-bed, and that he received the Eucharist with
reverence, but not a word of his worshipping of it.
And indeed the decree whereby its adoration was
enjoined, is of no longer standing than the thirteenth
ancient Church of Piedmont. 221
century. And even to this day the Deacon commu- chap.
nicates standing, according to the ancient custom of XXJ>
the Greek and Latin Churches.
It was not believed, that the end and aim of the 202
real presence was to offer up Jesus Christ in sacrifice
to God, for the sins of the living and dead : Lom-
bard, and the greatest part of the old Schoolmen,
owning it to be no more than a commemoration.
At that time there were but very few Churches
where they began to communicate under one kind
only, viz. that of bread ; neither was this custom
authorized but by the Council of Constance in the
year 1415, till which time almost all the reflections
of Papists upon the two kinds are contrary to this
abuse, which Henricus Gandavensis so highly ex-
claims against.
It is but since the tenth age that they began to Thiers Dis-
place images on the altars, and indeed a good while Sert-P-49-
after; and that in some Churches only.
It is but since Lewis the IXth's time that the
consecration of images was brought in use, as may
still be seen in the Pontifical. Gaufridus de Bello
loco de vita Ludovic. IX. c. 36. i
It is but since the tenth century, that the cross
hath been set upon altars ; and we find no instance
to make us believe that the image of Jesus Christ
was at that time fastened to it, as it is at this day.
Thiers, c. 18.
The Office of the Virgin was not established in the
western Church till the year 1195, by Pope Urban
II. at Clermont, in a council assembled there by him,
as having been till then the effect only of a private
or particular superstition.
Before the twelfth century, very few foundations
of dirges or masses for the dead were heard of; but
since that time the Mendicant Friars have brought
into vogue the Office for the Dead, vowed masses,
and dirges or masses for the deceased, and have mul-
222 Remarks upon the
chap, tiplied them to that excess, that it is impossible for
XX1, them to satisfy the obligations they take upon them
of saying so many masses.
203 For the multiplication of new festivals of the
saints we are beholden to the fifteenth century, as
may be seen in Clamengis, lib. De novis Festivitat.
non instituendis.
The confraternities are but a very late invention,
as M. Thiers owns, p. 33. of his Dissertation con-
cerning the quire of churches.
These are the articles that were either wholly un-
known, or not yet received in the Church of Rome ;
whence it is evident, that the Paterines or Waldenses
could not at first oppose them, and that it is no mat-
ter of wonder that they never set themselves against
them, but as from time to time they were admitted
of by the Church of Rome, whose corruptions in-
creased daily; which they take notice of in their
last confessions of faith.
The great controversies therefore at that time
were these :
1. Whether the ministry of the Church of Rome
was a lawful ministry, forasmuch as simony was the
principal means of obtaining any ecclesiastical dig-
nities in the western Church.
2. Whether it was necessary to be subject to the
Pope, in order to be a member of the true Church ;
which the Popes absolutely pretended, having to
that end invaded the authority of almost all Metro-
politans, that naturally were autocephali, that is,
subject to no Church-authority above themselves
out of their diocese.
3. Whether the Popes had power to annul the
ministry of the married Clergy.
4. Whether the worshipping of the saints, relics,
images, and of the cross, were lawful.
5. Whether the belief of the Popes concerning
the carnal presence of the body of Jesus Christ in
ancient Church of Piedmont. 223
the Eucharist was a belief founded upon holy chap.
■I J YYT
Scripture.
6. Whether the belief of the absolute necessity of 204
Baptism was lawful.
f. Whether the doctrine of purgatory was evan-
gelical.
8. Whether prayers for the dead were a religious
performance.
Now, if we will take the pains to examine a little
the questions that were agitated between the Wal-
denses and the Church of Rome, we shall find them
to be the very same with those I have just now
mentioned ; except only, as I have before observed,
that the said questions were afterwards multiplied
proportionably to the increase of the Romish cor-
ruptions.
As to what concerns the calumnies wherewith
some have endeavoured to disfigure them, and to
make them the horror and detestation of people, we
may truly aver, that in this particular the Church of
Rome has only consulted her passion and hatred,
without the least regard had to truth, or their in-
nocence.
The learned Usher, and divers others, have placed
the innocence of the Waldenses in so clear a light,
as to all the matters whereof they are accused, that
I should abuse the patience of my reader, by endea-
vouring anew to make their apology. It shall suffice
therefore to observe, first, that the Doctors of the
Romish Church have maliciously affected to fasten
upon the Waldenses the belief of the Manichees,
under pretence that the Manichees also opposed
some of the Romish practices, as well as the Wal-
denses. Secondly, that to this purpose they have
attributed to the Manichees several doctrines of the
Waldenses, which do not in the least partake with
Manicheism. This a judicious reader may easily
perceive, by comparing the catalogue of the errors
of the new Manichees, drawn up by Emericus,
224 Remarks upon the
chap, which I have set down in chap. xv. with their
XXL opinions, as they are reported to us by St. Epi-
phanius, St. Austin, Theodoret, and by Peter of
Sicily, in the ninth century.
205 I acknowledge, it may seem strange to some, to
find the Waldenses so constantly charged with such
gross calumnies ; but here I must desire the reader
to consider,
1. That it is no great sin with the Church of
Rome to spread lies concerning those that are ene-
mies of the faith.
2. That the Church of Rome has been always de-
sirous of preserving the reputation of her ancient
authors, as being some of their greatest saints,
which would visibly have been diminished, if not
quite lost, in case their successors should have
owned the innocence of the Vaudois Churches. No,
it is a far more easy and convenient way to assert,
that the Waldenses have changed their belief, than
to accuse their saints of having been most infamous
calumniators.
3. That the greatest part of those authors who
have writ concerning the heresies of the Waldenses
or Vaudois, have only followed their first leaders,
viz. Alanus and others, without troubling themselves
to inquire into the truth of the matter: which is the
very character of those sort of compilers.
4. That after the account Emericus has given us
in his Directory of the Inquisitors, they of the
Church of Rome were no longer at liberty to em-
brace a different representation of their belief from
what he had already given ; people generally being
so far engaged in an high esteem for the Inquisition,
and their exactness in all proceedings, that they
would have looked upon it as a great crime to
change their judgment in a matter they had allowed
of and established : neither indeed could it be done,
without incurring the danger of falling into their
hands ; for we may well suppose they would never
ancient Church of Piedmont. 225
suffer their credit and sincerity to be in the least chap.
questioned. XXI'
5. That there is nothing more common with the
Romish party, than to make use of the most horrid
calumnies to blacken and expose those who have
renounced her communion. The Protestants in
France were at first accused of committing the
same impurities at their meetings, which the hea-
thens objected to the primitive Christians, and the
Papists since that to the Waldenses. And if we cast
an eye upon what Sigebert tells us concerning the206
Greeks of the eleventh century, we shall find that
calumny is a trade the Romish party is perfectly
well versed in. Leo IX. saith he, sent his Legates
to Constantinople, to refute the heresies of the
Greeks, who, like Simoniacs, sold the gift of God;
like the Valesians, took their guests, and gelt them,
and so promoted them to bishoprics; like the Ari-
ans, they rebaptized the Latins, that had already
been baptized in the name of the Holy Trinity; in
imitation of the Donatists, they boasted the ortho-
dox Church to be only in Greece ; like the Nicola-
itans, they allowed marriage to Priests ; like the Se-
verians, they declared the Law of Moses to be ac-
cursed ; like the Pneumatomachi, they cut off the
belief of the Holy Ghost from the Creed; like the
Nazarenes, they observed Judaism, forbidding little
children, though at the point of death, to be bap-
tized before the eighth day; and women in danger
of life, by reason of their travail or courses, to com-
municate ; or, if they were heathens, to be baptized :
that they called the Latins Azymitae, and persecuting
them, shut up their churches ; that they sacrificed
with leavened bread, and anathematized the Roman
Church in her children, preferring the Constantino-
politan Church before her. But notwithstanding all
this, if we will believe Leo Allatius, there was but
a very little difference between the Roman and
Greek Church at that time.
226 Remarks upon the
chap. 6. We are to take notice, that notwithstanding
the fury and malice of the Romish party in wound-
ing the reputation of the Vaudois, yet there have
not been wanting some historians, in the bosom of
that Church, who have been so generous as to own
the truth. Paradin observes, in his Annals of Bur-
gundy, that he had seen ancient histories that fully
justified them from all the accusations laid to their
charge, and made it appear, that their only crime
was their declaiming against the profligate manners
and conduct of the Roman Clergy. Thuanus has
seconded him herein, as well as divers other authors
of the Roman communion, who have wrote since
207 the Reformation, and sufficiently acquitted them of
all those horrid calumnies which for so long a time
have been made use of to run them down.
I proceed now to the last article before mentioned,
viz. the idea which the Vaudois had conceived of
the Church of Rome : certainly it is a very sur-
prising thing to see the Vaudois treating the Pope
with the title of Antichrist, and of the Apocalyptical
Beast, and the Church of Rome with that of the
Great Whore, and Mystical Babylon. What ground
had they to speak and write at this rate ? for we find
that this was the common style they made use of in
1 their disputes with the Romish party. This is a
matter well worth our consideration.
Emerick, in his Directory, attributes this opinion
to those he calls the new Manichees : but to speak
truth, he is wholly besides the matter, and either
abuseth himself, or has a mind to deceive others;
for it was the opinion of the Vaudois, and not of
the Manichees : and they had the strongest motives
so to do, that persons who made it their chief
business to read the Scripture, could propose to
themselves ; motives, I say, which from time to time
were fortified and confirmed by the continual increase
of the corruptions of the Church of Rome.
1. There have not been wanting a great number,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 227
in the bosom of the Church of Rome, who con- chap.
ceived and publicly proposed this notion, since the 1
time of Gregory VII. Wolfius has set down several
of their writings on this subject, which it is not
necessary to transcribe here.
2. We find that the Vaudois had with great exact-
ness applied themselves to the study of the Reve- '
lation ; and the treatise they have published about
this matter, long time before the Reformation, suf-
ficiently evidenceth that they had compared the
characters St. John speaks of with those which
they found in the Pope and his Church.
3. We find that in the said treatise they make a
more particular reflection upon three things which
stared in the eyes of all men since the twelfth cen-
tury: the first was the idolatry of the Church of
Rome; the other was the power the Popes had
usurped over almost all the secular powers of Eu-208
rope ; and the third was the fury and violence of
the persecution the Church of Rome employed to
support Tier tyranny, her false doctrine and worship,
and to crush whatsoever did in the least offer to op-
pose itself against her usurpation.
1. The idolatry of the Church of Rome, which
had suffered a great shock at the Council of Franc-
fort in 794, but notwithstanding that still increased
every day, and more especially after that the dark-
ness of the tenth century had forced piety to give
way to idolatry and superstition. The violation of
the second Commandment was very apparent, but
could be no longer palliated or disguised after that
some Popes in the twelfth century began to renew
in their canonizations, which began about that time,
the pattern of the Pagan apotheoses. This deification
of men is so horrid an attempt against the Christian
religion, that it may well be looked upon as the top
and highest degree of idolatry.
2. The method the Popes took to make them-
selves masters of all Europe, almost all the kings
a 2
228 Remarks upon the
chap, thereof subjecting their crowns to the Pontifical
XXL mitre. They who will take the pains to consult the
Annals of Baronius about this point, will find, that
scarcely was there so much as one state left in Eu-
rope, which had not declared itself the Pope's vassal
before the year 1200. He endeavours to confirm this
truth by the public acts he produceth concerning
the kingdom of Arragon, Portugal, Castile, and all
Spain, as also of Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and the
other provinces of Italy, of Provence, Low Britany,
and whole France, of Denmark, Saxony, Bohemia,
Dalmatia, Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Muscovia,
England, and Ireland. Hereupon we may make
this obvious and natural reflection : the Christians
allege against the Jews a very convincing argument.
It was foretold of old, that the Messiah was to con-
vert the nations to the worship of the God of Israel :
this being accordingly accomplished by Jesus Christ,
it follows that he indeed is the Messiah, to whom
this character is given by the ancient oracles ; and
by an argument a pari we infer thus : the kings that
209 were to succeed to the ruins of the Roman empire
have given their kingdoms to the Pope ; wherefore
the Pope must needs be he whom St. John has
marked out to us by the beast, to whom the kings
were to submit their authority. Now, as the Jews
must make all Christians to renounce the God of
Israel, whom they own and acknowledge, before
they can suppose that the Messiah is to convert all
the heathens, and be known to be the Messiah by
this distinguishing character; in like manner must
the Papists snatch out of the Pope's hands all the
kingdoms that he hath, and doth possess, at least, as
lord paramount, in order to make way for the ap-
pearance of Antichrist, and for his being owned to
be such.
3. The violence of the persecution she has ma-
naged throughout all the parts of Europe, and
whereof the poor Vaudois always met with the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 229 ^
greatest share. The Popes, who had enslaved to chap.
themselves all the western Churches, being masters XXL
of the temporal also, by the voluntary subjection of
its emperors and princes, did no longer think of
keeping any measures. The Bishops being almost
generally subject to them, they made them decide
in their synods whatsoever they pleased. The new
laws they made were only the fruit of their humours
and interest; and the princes being now become
their vassals, were the ready executioners of the
Papal violence and fury against those they had
anathematized.
Now it is certain, first, that since the tenth cen-
tury, wherein Arnulphus, Bishop of Orleans, called
the Pope Antichrist, in a full Council at Rheims,
nothing has been more ordinary than to give him
this title. The Antipopes of the eleventh century
very lavishly bestowed it upon one another. This
example was followed in the twelfth century, and
has never since been discontinued till the time of
the Reformation ; a vast number of writers having
set themselves against the Pope and the Papacy,
openly proclaiming him to be the Antichrist, and r
his Church the Great Whore, and Mystical Baby-
lon. Baleus takes notice of a great number of these
in his Centuries, with reference to England ; and •
Wolfius hath instanced in many others belonging to
the other parts of the western empire: more espe-
cially we ought to take notice of what Rupertus, 210
Abbot of Tuits, tells us, in his Commentary upon
the Apocalypse, that cruelty and persecution were
one of the most express characters of Antichrist.
See here what he writ at the beginning of the
twelfth century, upon these words of the Apoca-
lypse, And cause that as many as would not wor-
ship the image of the beast should be put to death.
Ita Christ-us nonj'acit; neque Prophetcc ejus,neque
Apostoli docuerunt, neque reges Christian! j am facti
hoc acceperunt, ut occiderent, et sanguine cumulan-
€L3
230 Remarks upon the
chap, dum exist i merit Christi servitium; verus namque
XXL Deus non coacta sed spontanea servitia vult. Ergo
et in hoc, in hoc maxime palam faciet sensum ha-
bentibus, quod vere sit Antichristus, quod vere non
Christus, sed secundum nomen suum Christo sit
contrarius. Hie est Christus qui sanguinem suum
fundit; hie est Antichristus qui sanguinem fundit
alienum. In Apoc. lib. 3. cap. 13. " Christ does not
" do so, neither did his Prophets or Apostles teach
" so, neither have the kings that are Christians re-
" ceived any such instructions to kill men, or to
" make them think that the worship of Christ is to
" be stained with blood ; for the true God doth not
" desire any forced, but voluntary service. Where-
" fore by this mark especially will he make it evident
" to all that have any understanding, that indeed he
" is the Antichrist ; that indeed he is not Christ, but,
" according to his name, opposite and contrary to
" Christ. He is Christ that sheds his own blood,
' " he is Antichrist that sheds the blood of others."
After all this, I leave it to any one to judge, whe-
ther it were an easy matter for the Paterines and
Vaudois, being oppressed by the Pope and his in-
struments at the rate they were, not to form this
idea of the Pope and his Church ; and whether any
can think it possible, they should not instruct their
descendants to have that just horror for the Church
of Rome, which has always hindered them from re-
uniting with her, notwithstanding all the ways of
violence she has made use of to oblige them to it.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 231
CHAP. XXII. 211
Concerning the belief and conduct of the Waldemes
in Bohemia.
JAlOW, because the Waldenses being driven into
Bohemia, have continued there several years, it is
but reasonable for us with some attention to take a
view of the state of those Churches. This, as on the
one hand it will give us a just idea of the purity of
that spring from whence this rivulet was supplied
with water; so on the other hand, it will be useful
to clear them from those calumnies wherewith the
Bishop of Meaux has endeavoured to overwhelm
them, in his treatise concerning the Protestant vari-
ations. An equitable reader will be able to make
his judgment from hence, whether the Protestants
have any reason to be ashamed to own the ancient
Waldenses to be their predecessors; and whether
the Church of Rome did well in rejecting and de-
spising the advices and remonstrances of these their
censors.
We have two famous authors, who can inform us
concerning the faith and conversation of the Wal-
denses in Bohemia ; the one is an Inquisitor, who
wrote in the fourteenth century, towards the end of
it, " who," saith he, " had an exact knowledge of the Hist. Scrip
" Waldenses," at whose trials he had often assisted ; B°22™'et
and that in several countries, as himself witnesseth. seq.
The other is ^Eneas Sylvius, who came to be Pope
Pius II. in his History of Bohemia, chap. 35 ; where
he gives us an exact description of them, as having
been himself on the place, and had several confer-
ences with them, and desiring to inform a Cardinal
concerning them.
The first of these has borrowed a good part of 21 2
Raynerus's treatise, who wrote in Lombardy about
the year 1250; which shews, that they had the
same opinions at the end of the fourteenth century,
a 4
232 Remarks upon the
chap, which their ancestors had in Lombardy about the
xxii. midfl|e -0f the thirteenth. The thing that is singular
in this author is this, not only that he prosecutes
the same way of calumniating them upon many
heads, which is the way of Inquisitors against pre-
tended heretics, but that he hath annexed to every
article of the Waldensian opinions, concerning the
doctrines or practices of the Church of Rome, the
occasion that induced them to embrace such opin-
ions ; which is a thing well worth our consideration,
since we shall learn hereby, that the Waldenses had
very exactly considered and weighed the doctrines
and practices of that Church. I am resolved to lay
down these their opinions ; for as the proofs which
the good Inquisitor allegeth to defend the opinions
of his Church, they are for the most part so extra-
vagant, that the meanest polemical writer of this
age amongst Papists would think it an affront to his
own judgment to make use of them.
The first general head of the errors of the Wal-
denses is said to be of their blasphemies against the
Church of Rome, her practice, statutes, and her
whole Clergy. Their errors (saith he) are distin-
guished into three parts ; the first is, of their blas-
phemies, wherewith they blaspheme the Church of
Rome, her practice, laws, and whole Clergy. The
second part of their errors is about the Sacraments
of the Church, and the saints. The third part is
concerning their abhorrency of all the good and
laudable customs of the Church.
Their first error, which comes under the first ge-
neral head, is, " That the Church of Rome is not the
" Church of Jesus Christ, but an assembly of un-
" godly men ; and that she has ceased from being
" the true Church from the time of Pope Sylvester,
" at which time the poison of temporal advantages
" was cast into the Church."
213 2. " That all vices and sins reign in that Church;
" and that they alone live righteously.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 233
3. "That there is scarce any one to be found in chap.
" the Church, that lives according to the Gospel XXIT'
" rule, besides themselves.
4. " That they are the true poor in spirit, who
" suffer persecution for the faith, and righteousness'
" sake.
5. " That they are the true Church of Christ.
6. " That the eastern Church doth not value or
" regard the Church of Rome ; and that the Church
" of Rome is the whore in the Revelation.
7« " They despise and reject all ordinances and
* statutes of the Church, as being too many, and
;6 very burdensome.
8. " That the Pope is the .head and captain of all
" error*
9. " That the Prelates are the Scribes, and seem-
" ing religious Pharisees.
10. " That the Pope and all his Bishops are mur-
" derers, by reason of the wars they foment.
11. " That we must not obey Prelates, but God
" alone. Acts iv.
12. " That none in the Church ought to be greater
" than any of their brethren, according to that of
" St. Matthew, But ye are all brethren.
13. " That no man ought to kneel to a Priest;
" Rev. the angel saith to St. John, See thou do it
" not,
14. " That tithes are not to be given to Priests,
" because there was no use of them in the primitive
" Church.
15. " That the Clergy ought not to enjoy any
" temporal possessions. Deut. Neither the priest,
" nor any of the tribe of Levi, shall have any in-
" heritance with the children of Israel, the sacrifices
" being their portion.
16. " That neither the Clergy nor Religious ought
" to enjoy any prebends.
17. " That Bishops and Abbots ought not to en-
" joy any regalia.
234 Remarks upon the
chap. is. " That neither the land nor people ought to
XXII.
a be divided into parishes.
214 19- " That it is an evil thing to endow and found
" churches and monasteries ; and that nothing ought
" to be left to churches by will; that there ought to
" be none a tenant to the Church. And they con-
" demn all the Clergy for their idleness, telling
" them they ought to work with their hands, as the
" Apostles did. They reject all the titles of Prelates,
" as Pope, Bishop, &c. That no man ought to be
" compelled by force in matters of faith. They con-
a demn all ecclesiastical offices, and look upon them
" as null and void. They despise the privileges of
" the Church, and disregard the immunity of the
" Church, and of persons and things belonging to it.
" Thev contemn councils and synods, and say that
" all parochial rights are only inventions ; and that
" all the observances of the Religious are nothing
" else but Pharisaical traditions.
" As to the second part of their errors, they con-
" demn all the sacraments of the Church. Con-
" cerning the sacrament of Baptism, they say, that
" the Catechism signifies nothing ; that the absolu-
" tion pronounced over infants avails them nothing;
" that the godfathers and godmothers do not under-
" stand what they answer the Priest ; that the obla-
" tion which is called al wegen is nothing but a
" mere invention. They reject all exorcisms and
" blessings: they wonder why none but the Bishops
" alone should have power to confirm. Concerning
" the sacrament of the Eucharist they say, that a
" Priest, guilty of mortal sin, cannot celebrate that
" Sacrament ; but that a good layman, yea, a woman,
" if she knows the sacramental words, may. That
u tran substantiation is not performed by the hands
" of him who celebrates unworthily, but in the
u mouth of the worthy receiver, and that it may be
" celebrated on our common tables. Malach. In
" every place shall a pure offering be offered to
ancient Church of Piedmont. 235
" my name. They condemn the custom of believers chap.
" communicating no more than once a year, whereas XXIL
" they communicate daily. That transubstantia-
" tion is performed by words uttered in the vulgar
" tongue. That the Mass signifies nothing; that
" the Apostles knew nothing of it, and that it is 214
" only done for gain. They reject the Canon of the
ff Mass, and only make use of the words of Christ
" in their vulgar tongue. They declare the singing
" in the Church to be no better than hellish howl-
" ing. They despise canonical hours. That the
" offering made by the Priest in the Mass is of no
" value. They reject the kiss of peace, that of the
" altar, of the Priest's hands, and Pope's feet. They
" say, concerning the sacrament of Penance, that
" none can be absolved by a wicked Priest. That a
" good layman hath the power of absolving ; and
" that they, by laying on of their hands, can forgive
" sins, and confer the Holy Ghost. That it is much
" better to confess to a good laic, than to a wicked
" Priest. That no heavy penances ought to be im-
" posed, according to the example of Christ, who
" said to the woman taken in adultery, Go thy way,
" and sin no more. All public penances and chains
" they disapprove of, especially in women. That a
" general confession ought not to be made every
" year. They condemn the sacrament of Marriage,
" declaring, that those who enter into the state of
" marriage without hope of children are guilty of
" mortal sin. Compaternity, they say, signifies
" nothing, as to the hindering of marriage, neither
" have they any regard to the degrees of carnal or
" spiritual affinity, which the Church observes, nor
u to the impediments of order and public decency,
a or to the prohibition of the Church in that matter.
" That a woman after childbirth doth not stand in
" need of any blessing or churching. That it was
" an error of the Church to forbid the Clergy to
" marry; whereas the same is allowed of by the
236 Remarks upon the
chap. " Eastern Church: that it is no sin in those who are
_" continent, to kiss or embrace. They disallow of
" the sacrament of extreme Unction, because the
" same is only given to the rich, and because many
" Priests are necessary to administer it. They hold
" the sacrament of Orders to be of no use, because
" every good layman is a Priest, the Apostles them-
" selves being all laymen. That the preaching of a
" wicked Priest cannot profit any body. That what
216" is uttered in the Latin tongue can be of no use to
" laymen. They mock at the tonsure of Priests.
" They reproach the Church that she raiseth bas-
" tards, boys, and notorious sinners, to high eccle-
" siastical dignities. That every layman, yea, and
" woman too, may preach. Corinth. For you may
" all prophesy one by one, that all may be edified.
" Whatsoever is preached without Scripture proof,
" they account no better than fables. That the
" holy Scripture is of the same efficacy in the vulgar
" tongue as in Latin, and accordingly they com-
" municate, and administer the sacraments in the
" vulgar tongue. They can say a great part of the
" Old and New Testament by heart. They despise
" the Decretals, and the sayings and expositions of
" holy men, and only cleave to the text of Scripture.
" They contemn excommunication^ neither do they
" value absolution, which they expect from God
" alone. They reject the indulgences of the Church,
" deride dispensations, neither do they believe any
." irregularity. They admit none for saints, save only
" the Apostles ; they pray to no saint. They con-
u temn the canonization, translation, and the vigils
" of the saints. They laugh at those laymen who
" choose themselves saints at the altar. They never
" read the Litany. They give no credit to the le-
" gends of the saints, and make a mock of the saints'
" miracles. They despise the relics of the saints.
" They abhor the wood of the holy cross, because of
" Christ's suffering on it, neither do they sign them-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 237
" selves with it. That the doctrine of Christ and chap.
" the Apostles is sufficient to salvation, without any '_
" Church statutes and ordinances. That the tradi-
" tions of the Church are no better than the tradi-
" tions of the Pharisees ; and that greater stress is
" laid on the observation of human traditions, than
" on the keeping of the law of God. Matth. Why
" do ye transgress the law of God by your tradi-
" tions P They refute the mystical sense of Scrip-
" ture, especially in sayings and actions traditionally
" delivered and published by the Church; as that
" the cock upon steeples signifies the pastor, and
" such like.
" Their errors of a third rank are these; they con-
" temn all approved ecclesiastical customs, which
" they do not read of in the Gospel, as the observa-
" tion of Candlemas, Palm-Sunday, the reconciliation
" of penitents, the adoration of the cross on Good- -
" Friday. They despise the feast of Easter, and all
" other festivals of Christ and the saints, oecause of
" their being multiplied to that vast number, and
" say, that one day is as good as another, and work
" upon holydays, where they can do it, without
" being taken notice of. They disregard the Church
" fasts, alleging that of Isaiah Iviii. Is this the fast
" that I have chosen? They deride and mock at all
" dedications, consecrations, and benedictions of can-
" dies, ashes, palm branches, oil, fire, wax-candles,
" agnus Dei, women after child bearing, strangers,
" holy places and persons, vestments, salt and water.
" They look upon the church, built of stone, to be no
" better than a common barn, and call it commonly
" steinhaus, neither do they believe that God dwells
" there ; Acts xvii. God doth not dwell in temples
" made with hands: and that prayer made in them
" is of no greater efficacy, than those which we
" oifer up in our closets, Matth. vi. But thou, when
" thou prayest, enter into thy closet. They have no
" value for the dedication of churches, and call the
238 Remarks upon the
chap. " ornaments of the altar, the sin of the Church, and
L_" that it were much better to clothe the poor, than
" to deck walls. They say concerning the altar, that
"it is wastefulness to let so much cloth lie rotting
" upon stones, and that Christ never gave to his dis-
u ciples vests, nor rockets, nor mitres. They cele-
" brate the Eucharist in their household cups, and
" say, that the corporal, or cloth on which the Host
" is laid, is no holier than the cloth of their breeches.
" Concerning lights used in the Church, they say,
" that God, who is the true light, doth not stand in
" need of light, and that it can have no further use
" in the Church, than to hinder the Priests from
" stumbling in the dark. They reject all censings.
" Holy water they esteem no better than common
" water. The images and pictures in the church
" they declare to be idolatry. They mock at the
" singing in churches, that the efficacy is only in
218" words, and not in the music. They deride the
" cries of the laymen, and reject all festival pro-
" cessions, as those at Easter, as well as mournful
" processions in Rogation-week and at funerals.
" They say, that the singing by day and by night
" is a thing lately instituted by Gregory, which in
" former times was not used in the Church. They
" find fault, that the Priest suffers many masses to
" be sung the same day for several persons. They
" laugh at the custom of bringing sick persons on a
" bench before the altar to make their supplications
" there for health. They rejoice whenever there is
" a public interdict, because then they corrupt
" many, saying, that they are forced to go to church
" for outward gain's sake ; for they themselves also
" go to church, and hypocritically offer, confess, and
" communicate. They dissuade people from going
" on pilgrimage to Rome, and other places beyond
" sea; though they themselves pretend to go on pil-
" grim age, whereas it is only with design to visit
" their Bishops, who live in Lombardy. They ex-
ancient Church of Piedmont 239
" press no value for the Lord's sepulchre, as well as chap.
" those of the saints; and condemn the burying in L_
" churches. Matth. xxiii. Woe unto you, Scribes and
'" Pharisees, because ye build the tombs, &c; and
" would choose rather to be buried in the field than
" in the church -yard, were they not afraid of the
" Church. That the offices for the deceased, masses
" for the dead, offerings, funeral pomps, last wills,
" legacies, visiting of graves, the reading of vigils,
" anniversary masses, and other like suffrages, are of
" no advantage to the souls of the deceased. They
" condemn the watching with the dead by night,
" because of the follies and wickedness which are
" acted on these occasions. They disallow of the
" confraternities of clergymen and laymen, which is
" called zech; and declare that all these are only
" invented for lucre's sake.
" They hold all these errors, because they deny
" purgatory, saying, that there are no more than two
" ways, the one of the elect to heaven, the other of
" the damned to hell. Eccles. xi. Which way soever
" the tree falleth, there it must lie. That a good
" man stands in no need of any intercessions, and that
" they cannot profit those that are wicked. That
" all sins are mortal, and none at all venial. That219
" once praying of the Lord's Prayer is of more effi-
iC cacy than the ringing of ten bells, yea, than the
" Mass itself. That all swearing is a mortal sin ;
" Matth. But I say unto you, Swear not at all; but
" let your communication be,Yea, yea, and Nay, nay.
" They think it is an oath to say verily or certainly,
" thereby to excuse himself from sin, that he may
iC not divulge secrets : yea, they account him worse
" than a murderer, that compels another to swear ;
" as likewise he that confers confirmation, because
" he exacts an oath from the party that is confirmed,
" and a judge of witnesses in law ; as likewise doth
" the Inquisitor and the Priest, that force men to ab-
"jure their sins, by which means many become
240 Remarks upon the
chap. « perjured. They reprove those who assert, that he
" who breaks his promise or oath made to the Priest
" is guilty of seven perjuries. That all judges and
" princes are damned, and they declare, that male-
" factors ought not to be condemned; Rom. xii.
" Vengeance is mine, I will repay it, saith the Lord.
" Matth. xiii. Suffer them both to grow together till
u the time of harvest. They say, that all ecclesias-
" tical courts, held by Clergymen, are not maintained
" for the correction of evil doers, but for the profit
" which they bring along with them."
Hist. i^Eneas Sylvius gives us the following account of
p.VII" tne Waldenses of Bohemia, in his history of that
kingdom : " That the Pope of Rome is equal with
" other Bishops: that there is no difference amongst
" Priests : that priesthood is not a dignity, but that
"grace and virtue only give the preference: that
" the souls of the deceased are either immediately
" plunged into hell, or advanced to eternal joys :
" that there is no purgatory fire : that it is a vain
" thing to pray for the dead, and a mere invention
" of priestly covetousness : that the images of God
" and the saints ought to be destroyed : that the
" blessing of water and palm branches is ridiculous:
a that the religion of the Mendicants was invented
" by evil spirits : that priests ought to be poor, and
" only content themselves with alms: that every one
" has liberty to preach: no capital sin ought to be
220" tolerated upon pretence of avoiding a greater evil :
" that he who is guilty of mortal sin ought not to
" enjoy any secular or ecclesiastical dignity, or to be
" obeyed in any thing : that the confirmation which
" is celebrated with anointing, and extreme Unc-
" tion, is none of the sacraments of the Church :
" that auricular Confession is a piece of foppery:
" that every one in his closet ought to confess his
" sins to God: that Baptism ought to be celebrated
" without the addition of holy oil: that the use of
" churchyards is vain, and nothing but a covetous
ancient Church of Piedmont. 241
"invention: that it is all one what ground dead chap.
" bodies be buried in : that the temple of the great x '
" God is the whole world, and that it is a limiting
" of the Divine Majesty, to build churches, monas-
" teries,and oratories, as if the Divine Goodness could
" more favourably be found in them than elsewhere:
u that the priestly vestments, altar, ornaments, palls,
" corporals, chalices, patins, and other vessels, are of
" no efficacy: that a Priest may in any place conse-
" crate the body of Christ, and give it to those who
" desire it, by reciting only the sacramental words :
" that it is in vain to implore the suffrages of the
" saints reigning with Christ in heaven, because they
" cannot help us : that it is to no purpose to spend
" one's time in singing and saying the Canonical
" Hours: that we are to cease from working on no
" day except the Lord's day: that the holydays of
" saints are to be rejected; and that there is no merit
" in observing the fasts instituted by the Church."
I do believe that it is not too hard for any judi-
cious reader to consider, 1. The difference between
those accounts given by these authors : it is too sen-
sible not to be suddenly perceived. 2. That the
Dominican Friar has strangely increased the num-
ber of controversies, picking out all occasions to ex-
asperate his reader against them. 3. That he has
represented those controversies in a very scurrilous
manner, to make them the more ridiculous: from
which way we do confess that yEneas Sylvius was
very far.
242 Remarks upon the
221 CHAP. XXIII.
Some instances of the arguments which the Wal-
denses of Bohemia waged in their disputes with
the Church of Rome.
X HE same Inquisitor, whose extract I have but
now given, gives us an account of the manner how
the Bohemians, who were a colony of the Waldenses,
managed their controversies with the Church of
Rome. I did not conceive it fitting to change any
thing in his style, nor to make my reflections on the
objections which he puts into their mouths ; it be-
ing enough that 1 have given my reader notice, that
it is an Inquisitor that makes them speak so.
" The first error, saith he, of the poor of Lyons,
U who are also called Leonists, is, that the Church
" of Rome is not the Church of Jesus Christ, but
" an assemblv of wicked men, and the whore that
" sits upon the beast in the Revelation. And that
" the Church of Rome ceased to be the true Church
" under Pope Sylvester, at which time it was poison-
" ed by temporal possessions and advantages. And
" that they are the Church of Jesus Christ, because
" they observe the doctrine of the Gospel and Apo-
" sties in their words and actions.
" To proceed to other of their errors : they con-
" temn all the statutes of the Church, and prove
" them to be null and void, from Scripture and rea-
" son. Levit. And Nadah and Abihu took their
" censers, and offered strange fire before the Lord,
" which he commanded the?n not. Now he offers
" strange fire, who observes or teacheth other tradi-
" tions contrary to the command of God, and such
" are all the traditions of the Church. Therefore,
" &c. they say, that the doctrine of the Gospel and
" the Apostles is sufficient to salvation, and that the
222" canons are mere traditions, Matth. Why do you
ancient Church of Piedmont. 243
" transgress the command of God to establish your chap.
"traditions? XXIIL
" They say, that the occasion of this their error
" is, because the statutes of the Church are burden-
" some and many, whereas those of Christ are few
" and easy. Acts, Now therefore why tempt ye God
" to put a yoke upon the necks of the disciples,
" which neither we nor our Fathers were able to
" bear? And that the multiplying of precepts ne-
" cessarily causeth an implication of transgres-
" sions. Item, That those statutes of the Church,
" which belong to church lands and possessions, are
" directly contrary to the commands of God. Deut.
" The Priests shall have no inheritance with the
"people. Item, The laws of Christ are universal,
" and reach all those of the Church, particularly that
" of tithes, Deut. That the Eastern Church doth
"not regard the statutes of the Church of Rome.
" Item, That they who make them do not observe
" them; Matth. They bind heavy burdens on others.
" Item, That the statutes of the Church are often
" changed, as may be seen in the case of degrees of
" consanguinity ; whereas those of Christ do never
" change; Luke, But my words shall not pass away.
" That the Church ordains those things she thinks
" to be for her own advantage, as her immunity, &c;
" that the laws of Christ are finite, whereas those of
" the Church are infinite.
" They declare the Pope to be head and ring-
" leader of all errors. The Prelates they call blind,
" and the Religious, Pharisees. They are of opin-
" ion, that all Clergymen that do not work for their
" living are guilty of sin ; and say they are full of
" pride, covetousness, envy. Of pride, because they
" love the uppermost seats, and to be called of men,
" Rabbi. Of covetousness, because they do all for
" filthy lucre sake; Jerem. From the least to the
" greatest of them, they run after covetousness. Of
" envy, because they alone will be masters ; Luke,
r 2
244 Remarks upon the
chap. " Woe unto you, Scribes, for ye have taken away
XXIIL " the key of knowledge. Wherefore they say, that
" every man, yea, and woman too, may preach ;
" Numb. Moses said, Would to God that all the
66 Lord's people were prophets. And the Apostle
223 " St. Paul, For ye may all prophesy one by one, that
" all may be edified. Luke, If these should hold
" their peace, the stones would cry out. Revel. Let
" him that hears, say, Come. And because the
" Apostles themselves were laymen, therefore be-
" cause if a layman may preach for gain, much
" more may he preach for God.
" They declare also, that God alone is to be
" obeyed, and not the Prelates or Pope. They say,
" the Church is guilty of idolatry, by suffering such
" doctrines as these to be preached ; that the Pope is
" a God on earth, greater than men, equal with
" angels, and that he cannot sin. They reproach
il us for calling the Pope Father, and the Monks for
" calling their Abbots so ; Matth. Call ye no man
"father upon earth, for One is your Father, &c.
" They deny also, that they ought to be obeyed in
" whatsoever they command. They reject kneeling
" to Priests, alleging that of the angel forbidding
" John to kneel to him.
" They contemn the sacraments of the Church,
" because of the undue and irreverent manner where-
" in they are celebrated by many Priests ; and be-
" cause they set them to sale, as also because of the
" wicked and scandalous lives of many Ministers.
" They declare the Pope and all Bishops to be mur-
" derers, by reason of the wars which they main-
u tain and stir up against Christians, Pagans, and
" Heretics : and they condemn those that preach up
" the holy war, because they say the Turks and
" Pagans ought not to be forced to embrace the faith
" by the sword, but to be allured by preaching.
" Some of them are in an error concerning Bap-
" tism, holding, that infants cannot be saved by it ;
ancient Church of Piedmont. 245
" Matth. Whosoever shall believe, and he baptized, chat.
• "V"V ITT
" shall be saved: but an infant does not believe, L
" therefore is not saved. Some of them do baptize,
" others use imposition of hands instead of baptism.
" And the occasion of this their practice is, because
" they say the godfathers do not understand the
" questions put to them by the Priest.
* They reject the Chrism ; they slight Confirm-
" ation ; yet some few amongst them do receive it,
" though they be fifty years of age.
" They find fault, that the Bishops only appro- 224
" priate Confirmation to themselves ; whereas the
" sacrament of the Lord's body, which is much
" more worthy, is permitted to Priests.
" They hold, that a Priest in mortal sin cannot
" give the Eucharist, because Uzzah was struck
" dead for touching the ark, and John durst not
" touch the Lord's head. They maintain, that a
" pious layman, yea, a woman, so she do but know
" the words, may give the Eucharist; and that tran-
" substantiation is not made in the hands of him
" that celebrates, but in the mouth of the worthy
" receiver; Psal. The Lord hath heard the desire of
" the poor. That which gave occasion to this their
" error is, because the Levites ministered the body
" of the Lord ; as Laurentius and Tharsinus, who
" suffered at Rome. Some also receive the Eucharist
(s in any form ; some of wild grapes ; some of bread
" dipped in wine ; some take sorrel in a dish ; some
•* after they have cleansed their mouths communicate
" again; others receive it with vinegar; some keep the
" Eucharist in their chambers and in their gardens,
" as in Bavaria. The Subdeacons also administer
" the Lord's body to the sick. A Deacon that hath
u been gaming or drinking all night has been known
" to celebrate the Eucharist the next morning in his
" shirt. Witness Goth, one of the arch-heretics,
" that the Eucharist has been seen to crawl with
" vermin, according to Zuvetch; witness the Monks
R 3
246 Remarks upon the
chap. " there. That they often trample under their feet
XXIIL " the body and blood of the Lord. That it is also
" received and handled amongst them by those who
" are unworthy, and public sinners, and denied to
" the worthy, as to nuns and widows, except some-
" times in the Lord's Supper. Also in the country
" it is seldom given by scholars without a price put
" upon it; the reason is, because the churches are
" let to the country curates at a dear rate, and the
" curates are not able to give it to the scholars with-
" out price.
" They hold the Mass to be worth nothing, alleg-
u ing, that neither Christ nor his Apostles ever sung
" Mass : that Christ was only offered up once for all,
" whereas the Priest offers him up twice in one day :
225 " that it is only for gain that so many Masses are
* sung; Matth. Woe unto you that devour widows
" houses, under a pretence of long prayers. Item,
" Because they do not sing twice mattins or vigils.
" They hold them also guilty of sin who buy masses.
" They say, that the first mass of the new minor
" Priest is of no more efficacy than the hundredth :
" the occasion of this their error is, because some
" preach, that a sinful Priest is as clean from all sin
" as an angel, by putting on his casula. Some feign
" to celebrate the Eucharist without the Canon.
" They call the church-music infernal melody, and
u that all is done for gain; and that it is loss to men
" to be hindered from their work. They contemn
" canonical hours, and say, that one Pater Noster is
" better than the noise of ten bells. They hold all
" oblations to be of no use to the offerer, but only to
" those who receive them ; Luke, / will have mercy,
" and not sacrifice. That it is better to give to the
" poor, than to offer to the Priest. If that place be
" objected to them, When thou offerest thy gift at
" the altar, &c. they answer, that the word gift
" there is to be understood of an occasion, or a good
" work. The occasion that seems to have led them
ancient Church of Piedmont. 24?
" into this error is, because they see that the offer- chap.
" ings are ill spent by some : and they detract from XXIIL
" the Mass, because of the superfluous singing and
" tediousness of it, and because sometimes the Priest
" scolds whilst he is saying Mass, and being put into
" a passion, breaks off the Mass abruptly. They say,
" that the custom of buying masses is a kind of
" simony. Some call good customs lucriferous in-
" ventions ; and these they compel men to observe,
" as that which they vulgarly call Allwegen.
" Concerning the sacrament of Penance, they hold,
" that a Priest bound in mortal sin cannot absolve
" any, and that a pious layman can do it much bet-
" ter; for who can expect to be made clean by him
" who is filthy himself? Mai. / will curse your
" blessings. Luke, Physician*, cure thyself'. Matth.
" Cast out first the beam that is, &c. Isa. The bed
" is too narrow, so that one of the two must needs
" tumble down, and the cloak too short to cover both.
66 By the bed they understand the soul ; by both the
" persons they understand God and the Devil. They 226
" hold, that a pious layman has power to absolve.
" That which a man has not, how can he give?
" That therefore it is much better to confess to a
" good layman, than to a wicked Priest. The occa-
" sion of this their error is, because they see that
" sometimes a Bohemian Priest takes the confession
" of a German, whereas neither of them understands
" the other; and because sometimes the confession
" of ten persons is heard together; and sometimes
" confession is made by an interpreter, because, say
" they, public confession is made by the damned
" themselves : also because some say that confession
" avails nothing without offering a gift; and that
" therefore they neglect to hear the confessions of
" the poor, which is a piece of Judaism. Also be-
" cause it is the property of godly souls to acknow-
" ledge themselves many times in fault, when they
" are not ; and that Priests do not compel mothers,
R4
248 Remarks upon the
chap. " who do not see their sick infants die, to undergo a
L_" public penance, which is used to be imposed for
" the most common sin ; and thus still crying, To-
" morrow, to-morrow, they run headlong into sin.
" And that they are forced many times to bear the
" burden of many of these penances, that they may
"•be restored again to the communion of the Church,
" whereas indeed they never had lost or forfeited it.
" Item, Because they see that for manifest sins only
" pecuniary mulcts are imposed, and so no satisfac-
" tion is given to the Church ; so that the easiness
" of obtaining pardon becomes an argument to the
" sinner to sin on : because for secret sins they im-
" pose only such a number of masses. Item, Because
" some Confessors do indirectly betray their confes-
" sions, as by writing it down, that it may be read
" of others. Also a wife secretly procuring her own
" miscarriage, is sent to the Bishop, and being sus-
" pected, is worthily put to death.
" They condemn the sacrament of Marriage, say-
" ing, that it is a mortal sin to marry without the
" hope of children. Others of them look upon ma-
" trimony to be no better than fornication. The
" occasion of this their error is derived partly from
" marriage itself, because married persons neither
227" observe time, nor the bounds of matrimony; and
" partly from the Priests, because they compel
" chaste wives to seek their fugitive husbands
" through many countries, who yet are not bound
<e to cohabit with their husbands, except they please;
" and by this many of them are corrupted. Item,
" Because a bride that is a virgin is forbid entrance
" into the Church for eleven days, whereas she who
" has committed fornication is not so much as kept
" out one day. So in like manner, if she be brought
" to bed of a still-born child : whereas by the Ca-
" nons she may enter the Church the first day after.
" Item, Because some preach, that a woman dying
" in childbed is damned ; because they deny the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 249
" blessing to poor women that have nothing to chap.
" offer at their churching ; and that they who are XXIIL
" ready to be brought to bed are forced to sin, and
" so miscarry.
" They say, that the sacrament of extreme Unc-
u tion is the highest pride. The occasion hereof is,
" because this sacrament is given to none but those
" who can well pay for it ; and the multitude of
" Priests is the cause of that : and though it be ho-
" nourable to bring in more Priests, yet extreme
" Unction, as well as Baptism and Confirmation, are
" always administered only by one. Item, Because
" some preach, that this sacrament ought not to
" be administered to any, except they be at least
" worth two cows ; which is a great scandal to the
" poor. And because they say, that twelve lights
" are necessary at the celebrating of extreme Unc-
" tion, whereas one light is accounted sufficient at
" the celebration of the Eucharist, which is the most
" worthy sacrament of all.
" They say, that the sacrament of Order is of no
" use, because the Apostles were laymen ; and that
" Christ never gave them either rochets, mitres,
" hoods, rings, or any other ornament. They deride
" tonsure, because the Apostles knew nothing of it.
" The reason which they go upon is, because such
" who are unworthy both as to their life and know-
" ledge, and bastards, are advanced to orders and
" dignities, scandalizing the Church of God both by
" their word and example.
" They say likewise, that the Church has greatly 228
" erred in forbidding the Clergy to marry, because
" as well the old Law as the Gospel do allow of it ;
" and by their winking in the mean time at forni-
" cation. Item, By her advancing of bastards to the
" highest promotions in the Church. Item, Some
" say, that whatever those who have vowed chastity,
" above the girdle, do by kissing, feeling, words,
250 Remarks upon the
chap. " pressing of the breasts, embraces, is all done in
" chanty.
They contemn excommunication, and say, that
" it is nothing else but cursing. Gen. He ivho curseth
" thee shall be cursed, &c. Eccles. When a wicked
" man curseth the Devil, he curseth his own soul:
" wherefore if he curseth a man, he curseth himself.
" Cursers and evil-speakers shall not inherit the
" kingdom of God. Some say, an unjust excom-
" munication doth stand good. Item,, Whenever
u there is an interdict, the heretics rejoice, because
" then they have an opportunity to corrupt Chris-
" tians, and make them undervalue the worship of
" God. That it is an ungodly thing to vex and punish
" the innocent, by denying them the sacraments,
" for the sins of others : that by this means the
" praise of God and of the court of heaven is taken
" away, and the souls in purgatory are deprived of
" the suffrages of the Church, and the devotion of
" living believers lessened ; and therefore they say,
" that then tenths ought not to be paid. The oc-
" casion of this their error is, because excommuni-
" cations are multiplied upon any slight occasion,
" as, for the tenth penny; or if a man doth not
" come to church, in these and such like cases
" persons are excommunicated without any lawful
" order, and afterwards are again admitted to com-
" municate without foregoing absolution ; by which
" means he who gives the sacrament, as well as the
" excommunicated person, and the people, are in
" danger.
" They hold, that tithes ought not to be given,
" because they were never given in the primitive
" Church; and that if tithes ought not to be re-
" ceived, neither ought they to be paid. If you say,
" that they ought to be given, because the Jews
229" gave them, by the same reason all other legal
" constitutions are to be observed. They allege also,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 251
" that there are but few countries, though governed chap.
• • -i VYTTT
" by Roman law, where tithes are paid. They say,
" it is sin to pay tithes ; and that laymen who re-
" ceive tithes do sin likewise, because they are so
" wickedly spent. They say, that the Clergy and
" Priests ought to have no propriety or possessions :
" Deut. Neither priests nor Levites, nor any that
" are of the tribe of Levi, shall have any inherit-
" ance with the people of Israel, because the sacri-
"Jices are their portion. Acts, And they called no-
" thing their own, of all that they possessed, but
ie they had all things common. They do not believe
" indulgences; Luke, Who can for give sin, save God
" alone P They despise the Church absolutions, and
" do not mind irregularity, nor have they any faith
" in the Church's dispensations. That which led
" them into this error was the multiplying of indul-
" gences, and because future punishment is bought
" off by the people ; which they do not believe.
" They despise the feasts of the Church, saying,
" that one day is like another. If it be objected to
" them, that God has commanded the seventh day
" to be sanctified ; they answer, that if for that rea-
" son the Sabbath-day is to be kept, that circum-
" cision is to be kept for the same reason.
" They took offence at them, because there are no
" less than an hundred and twenty holy day sin a year;
" because some say, that the feast of Easter and
u Pentecost are the feasts of St. Stephen and St.
" John : because fairs are kept on holydays : be-
" cause holydays are transferred to Sundays for gain :
" because tailors and carriers are suffered to work
" then : because there be too many holydays, trans-
" lations, inventions, and octaves, so that there is
" scarce a week which has not two or three of them :
" because they are introduced only for gain, which
" is a great scandal to the people : because work-
" men, by being hindered from their work, do
r thereby fall to poverty: because on those days
252 Remarks upon the
chap. " more sins are committed than any other: because
XXIIL " the primitive Church had very few feasts ; where -
" fore also they secretly work on those days.
230 " They despise the fasts of the Church ; for on
" Good Friday they eat flesh ; The kingdom of God
" is not meat, &c. Isaiah, Is this the fast that
" I have chosen? Corinth. Let not him that eats
" not, judge him that eats. The ground of their
" error was, because poor men and labourers are
" obliged in Lent to fast with bread and water; and
" also, because they can get no work, upon the ac-
" count of these days of abstinence.
" The material edifice of the church they esteem
" to be no better than a barn, and nickname it com-
" monly the stonehouse ; Acts, God doth not dwell
" in temples made with hands : and that prayers
" made in them are of no more efficacy than if they
" were made in any other house; Luke, But thou,
" when thou prayest, enter into, &c. John, Neither
" in this mountain nor at Jerusalem shall ye wor-
" ship, &c. Acts, Lifting up pure hands in all
"places. The occasion of their mistake was, be-
" cause the Church makes men carnal ; it being a
" place of their acting in masquerade, and making a
" shew with their fine clothes.
" They contemn the dedication of churches : they
" call the altar an heap of stones ; and that it is a
" piece of wastefulness to let cloth rot upon stones.
" The occasion ; the prodigious expenses laid out
" upon churches, which might with far greater profit
" be bestowed upon the poor : Matt. Do you see all
" these buildings P thence shall not be left a stone, &c.
" As also, because some set up taverns in the church ;
" and because some say, that as oft as a man goes
" round the church, so many mortal sins are for-
" given him. Also because some say and preach,
" that to frequent a strange church is a committing
" of adultery: that it is better to preach in a stable
" than in the church. The ornaments of the church
ancient Church of Piedmont. 253
" they say are sinful, and that it is better to clothe chap.
" the poor than to hang walls. The corporal, they XXIIL
" say, is no better than the cloth of their breeches.
" Concerning lights in the church, they say, that
" God, who is the true light, doth not stand in need
" of light; and that the cup used in the Sacrament
" doth not differ from a common household cup,
" because formerly they made use of glass chalices.
" They reject censings: they value holy water no 231
" more than common water : images and pictures,
" they say, are idolatry; Exod. xx. Thou shalt not
" make to thyself any graven image, &c. These
" errors arose from the scandal which they took at
* the horrid wooden images and pictures which they
" daijy saw, and which, in their opinion, rather
" strike a man with horror than devotion. They
" deride church-music, saying, that virtue and effi-
" cacy is in words, and not in the melody. This
" sprung originally from the tedious and superfluous
" singing in churches. They mock at the cries and
" shouts of the people. They contemn processions,
" because of the follies that are acted at them.
" They believe no saints, besides the Apostles, and
" such as are mentioned in the Gospels or Acts of
" the Apostles ; they call upon no saint, no, not the
" blessed Virgin, but God alone. This proceeded
" from the many false saints, as Vivianus and others,
u whose names, lives, and merits, are unknown.
" They shew no respect to spring, as in Drozo,
" where the Priest baptizeth the crucifix in the
" spring, and the people offer to the spring. Item,
" Holy trees, as those of St. Christopher, and the
" air in the fields. Item, They deride the names of
" the saints, as Erhardo, honouring them with ob-
" lations. Item, Because no devotion is expressed
" to the saints of the Old Testament: because the
" honour which ought to be given to God, is more
" exhibited to creatures than to God alone. Thus
" some fast every Wednesday in honour of St. Ni-
254 Remarks upon the
chap. " cholas, who do not fast on Friday in honour of
YYl IT *^
_" God ; and so likewise when St. Nicholas is named,
" all sigh ; whereas when Jesus Christ is named, all
" hold their peace. They give no credit to the
" legends and sufferings of the saints. This arose
" from the contradiction about Constantine's bap-
" tism, and many things altogether incredible, as in
" the legend of St. Margaret and Juliana, and the
" Seven Sleepers. They do not believe the miracles
" of the saints. This incredulity was occasioned by
u the many false miracles, as oil, blood, tears of
" images, and heavenly light. And by reason of
232" those hypocrites, who are commonly called Sterzet,
" who, pretending themselves to be afflicted with
" divers sicknesses, declare they are suddenly re-
" covered.
" They give no credit to the relics of saints. This
" was occasioned by the false relics which some
" carry about, as the milk of the blessed Virgin,
" who with a small quantity of milk suckled our
" Saviour, and a salamander for the garment of the
" blessed Virgin, and the sweat of Christ, and the
" membrane in which our Saviour was wrapt, and
" the relics of angels. Likewise because one of
" these relicmongers boasted, that he could make
i( what saints he pleased; and being asked how,
" answered, that he often took the bone of an ox,
" and sawed it into small pieces, which he wrapt up
" in purple, writing about them the names of what
" saints he pleased : and because they baptize the
" milk of the blessed Virgin, and then give the
" water to drink. Ite?n, Because they make mer-
" chandise of them, and are often eaten by mice ;
" which thing was related to the people by this
" Priest, and the people much scandalized thereat.
" Because several churches quarrel and dispute
" about the bodies of saints, each maintaining that
" they have them, as about the body of St. Mark,
" St. Vitus, and the rest.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 255
" They abhor the holy cross, because of Christ's chap.
" suffering thereon. Their aversion seems to have 1
" been taken from the sermons of those who main-
" tained, that the cross being taken away from
" Christ, returned of itself. They say, that the
" wood of the cross is no more than other wood :
" they do not arm themselves with the sign of the
" cross. They set no value upon the sepulchre of our
" Lord, nor of the saints ; Matth. Woe to you, Pha-
" risees, for ye build the sepulchres of' the pro-
" phets. They despise church burial, for they would
" rather choose to be buried in a field than in a
" church-yard, but that they stand in fear of the
" Church. Their reason for this opinion is, because
" those who die without contrition are buried there,
" and they who kill themselves; and on the contrary,
6e many times church burial is denied to those who
" die truly contrite : because money is demanded
" for every one, even for infants, who do not stand
" in need of any suffrages, and for lepers : because
" some saints were formerly buried in gardens, as 233
" our Saviour ; some in their own houses, some in
" the water, as St. Clemens. They reject the watch-
" ing with the dead, because of the follies com-
" mitted on those occasions; because the laws of
u the Church, from the beginning of the world, and
-c the ecclesiastical canons, do allow every man to
" choose his burying-place where he pleaseth ; be-
ci cause many quarrels and contests arise about
" dead bodies, and frequent scandals both to be-
" lievers and unbelievers. They condemn all pil-
" grimages, because of those many abuses which
" they have given occasion to, as, that many women
cc who go on pilgrimages have been debauched by
" the way; and because of the false and counterfeit
" pilgrims, which they call Stezzar. Item, Because
" they say, that Christ and his Apostles built his
" Church on the waters, and that to pilgrims all sins
(i are forgiven, as much as in Baptism.
256 Remarks upon the
chap. " They deny purgatory, and maintain that there
XXI1L i( are only two ways, the one of the elect to heaven,
" the other of the damned to hell ; Which way so-
" ever the tree falls , there it lies. They say, that
" neither masses, nor anniversaries, nor offerings,
" nor other suffrages, are of any profit to the souls
" of the deceased, but that they are only done for
" the gain that comes by them to the Priests. To
" that place in the Corinth. If any build hay or
" stubble, he shall be saved, but so as by fire ; they
" answer, that by fire there, is to be understood the
" fire of tribulation and affliction. St. Aust. He who
" prays for his mother, does his mother an injury ;
" therefore he who causeth masses to be said for
" his children, or prays for them, does rather injure
" than benefit them. If a man be good, he stands
" in no need of any suffrages ; if wicked, they can
*' do him no good ; John, / pray for them, not for
" the world; that is, for worldly men. Now if we
" be not to pray for them whilst they are alive, much
" less when they are dead. They say, that the
" prayers of a good layman are of more profit than
" those of a wicked Priest ; and that one Lord's
" Prayer is of greater efficacy than many masses;
234 " John, We know that God does not hear sinners.
" Isaiah, When you multiply your prayers, I will
" not hear. Greg. Cum is quibus displicet ad in-
" tercedendum mittitur, reati animus ad deteriora
" provocatur.
" They say, that Latin prayers can be of no ad-
" vantage to laymen. They hold three errors about
iC purgatory : the first is, that no sin is venial, but
" all are mortal; the second is, that when the sin is
" forgiven, the punishment is also remitted; whence
" men take an occasion of sinning more freely, and
" making void the sacrament of Penance. Matth.
" Repent. Luke, Bring forth fruits meet for re-
" pentance. The third error is, that intercessions
" are unprofitable.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 257
" They condemn judges and princes, saying, that chap.
" malefactors ought not to be condemned. Matth. XXIIL
" Judge not, lest ye he judged, &c. Genes. He that
" sheds mans blood, hy man his Mood shall be shed.
" Exod. Thou shalt not kill. Matth. Put up thy
" sword in the sheath, for he who smites with the
" sword, &c. Matth. in the parable of the tares,
" Suffer both of them to grow together till the har-
" vest. They seem to have been led into these
" mistakes, because judges and princes are ge-
" nerally unjust and tyrants; and because justice is
" set at a price in ecclesiastical as well as other
" courts of judicature. Isai. Woe unto you that
"justify the wicked for a reward, and turn away
" the righteousness of the righteous ; they do not
"judge the fatherless, and the cause of the widow
" will they not hear.
" They say, that to swear is a mortal sin. Matth.
" But I say unto you, Swear not at all, neither by
" heaven, for it is God's throne, &c. but let your
" discourse be Yea, yea ; and Nay, nay. The fre-
u quent and continual swearing, upon the slightest
" causes, has given occasion to this error ; as also
" because heretics by this means fall into perjury.
" They who never swear are like the Devil, of whom
" we do not read that he ever swore."
These are the errors which he attributes to the
Waldenses of Bohemia, many of them by mere ca-
lumny, some others by an ill construction of their
doctrine, as our writers Perrin and Usserius have
demonstrated.
As to their conduct, he gives this account of 23 5
them : " Heretics are known by their manners
" and words; for they are orderly and modest in
" their manners and behaviour ; they avoid all pride
" in their habits, as wearing neither very rich clothes,
" nor over mean and ragged ones. They keep up no
" commerce or trade, to avoid lies, swearing, and
" deceit, but only live by the labour of their own
s
258 Remarks upon the
chap. " hands, as handicraftsmen and day labourers; and
_" their teachers are weavers and tailors. They do
" not heap up riches, but are content with neces-
" saries. They are also very chaste. They are spar-
" ing and very temperate in eating and drinking ;
" they do not frequent taverns or alehouses, neither
u do they go to balls or other vanities. They abstain
" from anger. When they work, they either learn
" or teach; and therefore pray but little. They hy-
" politically go to church, offer, confess, communi-
" cate, and hear sermons, to catch the preacher in
" his words. In like manner also their women are
" very modest, avoiding backbiting, foolish jesting,
" and levity of words, and especially abstaining
" from lies and swearing; not so much as making
" use of the common asseverations, In truth, For
" certain, or the like, because they look upon these
" to be oaths. They seldom answer directly to the
c( questions demanded of them. So if you ask them,
" Are you acquainted with the Gospel or the Epi-
" sties ? they answer, Who should have taught me
" them P Or else, These are for them to learn who
" are of a great and deep understanding, or those
" who are fit for such things, and have leisure for
" them. They commonly say only, Yea, yea ; No, no ;
" and say, This is lawful for them, because Christ
" said to the Jews, Pull down this temple, though
" he meant it not concerning Solomons temple."
The manners and behaviour of the Waldenses is
as follows : " They kneel down upon the ground,
" before a bench, or such like, and continue thus in
" all their prayers in silence, as long as one might
" repeat a Pater Noster thirty or forty times, and
" conclude their prayers by repeating the word
" Amen several times. And this they do every day
" very reverently, amongst those of their own per-
236" suasion, without the company of any strangers,
u before noon, after noon, and at night when they
" go to bed ; and in the mornings when they rise
ancient Church of Piedmont. 259
out of bed : besides some other times as well in the chap.
day, morning and at night. They say, teach, nor XXIIL
have any other prayer besides Our Father. They
do not look upon the salutation of the angel to be
a prayer, nor the Apostles' Creed; and say, that
these were introduced by the Church of Rome,
not by Christ. However they have drawn up a
short draught of the seven articles concerning the
Godhead, and as many concerning the human
nature, the Ten Commandments, and the seven
works of mercy, which they say and teach, and
boast much of them, and readily offer themselves
to answer any one that demands of them a reason
of their faith. Before they set themselves down
to table, they bless it, saying, Bless the Lord.
Lord have mercy upon us, Christ have mercy upon
us, Lord have mercy upon us. Our Father, &c.
After which, the eldest of the company saith in
the vulgar tongue, God, who blessed the Jive
barley loaves and two Jishes in the desert before
his disciples, bless this table, and that which is
upon it, and which shall be set upon it, (and
then make the sign of the cross,) in the name of
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Amen. And
when they rise from table after dinner or supper,
they give thanks in this manner; the eldest
amongst them in the vulgar tongue repeating the
doxology set down in the Revelation ; Blessing,
and glory, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, honour,
power, and might, be ascribed to God alone, for
ever and ever. Amen. And then adds, God
render a good reward and a plentiful return to
all those who are our benefactors; and the God
who hath given us corporal food, vouchsafe us also
the life of the Spirit ; and God be with us, and
we with him always: and the company answer,
Amen. Also when they bless the table, and when
they return thanks, they fold their hands together,
and lift them up towards heaven. And after din-
s 2
260 Remarks upon the
chap. « ner, when they have returned thanks, and prayed
. L. " as beforesaid, they preach, teach, and exhort ac-
" cording to their way and doctrine."
237 In the year of our Lord 1391, the 4th of Sep-
tember, were underwritten the errors of the sect of
the Waldenses. Then he gives an account of their
Ministers.
" First, Nicholas of Poland, the son of a husband-
" man ; Conrad of Saxony, of the town of Dubun,
" near Wisseburg, the son of a husbandman ;
" Walrick of Hardech, a tailor ; Conrad of Gamun-
" dia, of the county of Suabia, the son of a hus-
" bandman ; Simon of Salig, an Hungarian, a tailor;
" Herannus of Mistelgen, a Bavarian, by his trade
" a carpenter ; John of Drena, a Bavarian, likewise
" a carpenter. These aforenamed are called amongst
" them apostles, masters, angels, and brethren."
Their life and conversation is thus : first, " they
" fast three or four days in a week, with bread and
" water, except they be obliged to work hard. After
" this they appear amongst those who are of the
" same faith with them, as their superiors. They
" pray seven times in a day. The eldest begins the
" prayer, and makes it either long or short, accord-
" ing as he thinks fitting, and the company goes
" along with him in his prayer. Their teachers go
" very meanly dressed ; they walk two and two toge-
" ther, an old man with a young man, wherever
" they go. They are very wary in their words,
" and avoid lies, oaths, and all filthy things; and in-
" form and exhort their auditory to do the same.'*
ancient Chwrch of Piedmont. 26 1
CHAP. XXIV. 238
Concerning the government of the Churches of the
Waldenses, and of the succession of their Min-
isters.
XF we had a well continued history of the Churches
of the Valleys, it would be easy for us to make it
appear, 1. That they have always exactly preserved
amongst them a church government, in the same
manner as it was established in the midst of the
eleventh century, after their separation from the
Church of Rome, which happened in the time of
Wido, Archbishop of Milan, in the year of our
Lord 1059, and that they distinguished their Clergy
into three orders, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.
2. That their Ministers exercised these holy func-
tions, extraordinarily to the edification of their peo-
ple. 3. That it is not true, that they gave leave to
laymen to preach or administer the sacraments.
But we own it to be a difficult thing to set down the
succession of their Pastors, and to specify them by
name, the persecutions they continually lay under
having destroyed almost all their ancient records ;
in the mean time there are still some testimonies of
their adversaries remaining, which evidently prove
the first article.
First, Bernard, Abbot of Foncaud, in his treatise
against the sect of the Waldenses and Arians, chap.
6, accuseth only some of the Waldenses of having
no Pastors; which shews, that the body of that
Church had a fixed ministry before the end of the
twelfth century; and whereas elsewhere he chargeth
them with usurping the Church ministry, it is either
a very false accusation, or which only respected
some of Peter Waldo's disciples, who, being dis-
persed by the persecution, thought themselves in
that state to have right to preach, and to oppose the 239
errors of the Church of Rome.
s 3
262 Remarks upon the
xxfv* Secondly, Raynerus, who lived in 1250, doth
'— acknowledge, that they had their Bishops in Lorn-
Bib. Pat: bardy, cap. 5. hombardiam intr antes, visitant Epi-
Par,P-7°2- scopos suos; "When they come into Lombardy
" they visit their Bishops." Matthew Paris, ad ann.
1243, speaks of a Bishop of the Paterines in Cre-
mona, who was deposed by them for fornication.
Var.P.223.pilickdorph, whom the Bishop of Meaux quotes,
shews, that they did not approve of a layman's ce-
lebrating the Eucharist, chap. 1. which sufficiently
proves, that they made a signal difference between
the Clergy and the people ; and that it is absolutely
false, that they were only a company of laymen, who
took to themselves the power of preaching and ad-
ministering the sacraments, though nothing be more
obvious in the writings of their adversaries than this
charge.
If we cast our eyes upon the colonies they have
sent to several places, we shall find the same disci-
pline in use amongst them. Thus we see that in
the kingdom of Naples they had a superior, who
conferred Orders in the city of Aquila. We find the
Leg. t.2. same thing in Bohemia, in the Confession of Faith
p' ' they presented to Uladislaus, p. 836. Ordinandi ma-
joribus aut minoribus ordinibus, promovendi vita
virtuosa, in Christijide, &c. The same is observed
in an ancient abridgment of the opinions of the
Waldenses, recorded by Wolfius, Lect. Memor. ad
ann. 1 l6o. p. 380: " They absolutely deny the Pope's
" primacy over all Churches, and more especially his
" power over all policies, that is, his power of both
" swords ; neither do they hold, that any other or-
" ders ought to be retained in the Church, but those
" of Priests, Deacons, and Bishops." Guido Carme-
lita attributes to them the same discipline, according
to the report of Alphonsus a Castro, lib. 11. p. 337.
And we find the same in Claudius Seysselius ad-
versus Error es Wialdensium, fol. 10. " Those whom
" they judge to be the best amongst them, they
ancient Church of Piedmont. 263
" appoint to be their Priests, to whom, upon all chap.
" occasions, they have recourse, as to the vicars and XXIV-
* successors of the Apostles."
We find their close adhering to this ancient con- 240
stitution, from the history of Commenius, who was
the only survivor of all the Bishops that escaped
from the Bohemian persecution, in the history he
has published concerning them, taken out of the
Annals of that country, which he had saved from
the fire, and which he carefully preserved at Am-
sterdam : in p. 70, and the pages following, he tells
us, that the believers of Bohemia and Moravia, who
had separated themselves from the communion of
the Papists and Calixtines, having created three
Pastors from amongst themselves, found themselves
greatly perplexed about their ordination ; but having
understood that there were Waldenses dwelling in
the confines of Moravia and Austria, to the end they
might fully satisfy the scruples, as well of their own
consciences as of others, as well for that time as for
all time to come, they resolved to send Michael
Zambergius, one of their Pastors, (who formerly
had received his orders from the Bishop of Rome
himself,) with two others, to find out these Walden-
ses, and to give them an account of what passed
amongst them ; but above all, to ask counsel of
them, concerning what they had to do in the matter
they were scrupulous about: that they met with
one Stephen, a Waldensian Bishop, who sent for
another, and some Ministers, in the presence of
whom he made it appear to these deputies of Mo-
ravia and Bohemia, that his doctrine, as well as that
of all other Waldenses, was the same that was in the
time of Constantine : that the said Bishop explained
to them their several articles, and related to them
the horrible persecutions which his fellow-brethren
had endured in Italy and in France ; and that finally
the said Stephen, with the other forementioned,
conferred the vocation and ordination upon the said
s 4
264 Remarks upon the
chap, three Pastors that were sent to them by the impo-
xx ' sition of hands, with power and authority to create
others, as there should be occasion : that from that
time those of Bohemia and Moravia desired to unite
themselves into one body with the same Waldenses ;
whence it came to pass, that they themselves were
afterwards called Waldenses. And, page Jb, he fur-
241 ther confirms, that the Churches of Bohemia and
Moravia did never deny, but that they had received
the authority of laying on of hands, and external
succession, from the Waldenses.
The said Commenius, who published the Disci-
pline of the Churches of Bohemia in 1644, gives us
this account of the matter in the preface to his book :
" It is evident from history, godly reader, that the
" Bohemian nation, after that they above two
" hundred years ago had been happily enlightened
" with the light of the Gospel, by the ministry of
" John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, were by the
" deceit of Satan again enticed to the obedience of
" the apostate see, (only reserving to themselves
" the cup, and some other superficial,) viz. in the
" Council of Basil, ann. 1433. The city Tabor only,
" grieving to see the lighted candle thus hid under
" a bushel, opposed themselves, for many years, de-
" fending the purity of their doctrine, and their con-
" stancy in the faith, with their swords, till at last
" they also were partly circumvented by fraud, and
" partly oppressed by violence. Whereupon all those
" who were yet left of Huss's followers, being in-
" flamed with a divine zeal, took courage, and sepa-
" rating themselves from the Calixtines, or pretended
" Hussites, in the year 1457, they happily set up
" distinct meetings in several places, supported only
" by the Divine assistance, as also a distinct con-
" sistory; for a little before those times, some part
" of the Waldenses being driven out of France, came
" and settled themselves in the confines of Austria,
" with one or two of their Bishops, to whom these
ancient Church of Piedmont. 26*5
" Bohemians sent deputies, who declared to them chap
" their intention, desiring their counsel, and a XXIV'
" Christian union with them : the Waldenses on
" the other hand commending their purpose, ad-
" vised them, that if they desired to have those
" assemblies that embraced the pure doctrine of the
" Gospel to be preserved from being dissipated,
" they ought to take care never to want faithful
" pastors.
" Wherefore that they ought not to expect till
" some who had their ordination from Rome, should
" by their love to truth be brought over to them,
" who might ordain pastors for them, but rather 242
" ordain them themselves, as occasion should offer.
" And forasmuch as the said IValdenses declared
" that they had lawful Bishops amongst them, and
" a lawful and uninterrupted succession from the
" Apostles themselves; they very solemnly created
" three of our Ministers Bishops, conferring upon
" them the power of ordaining Ministers, though
" they did not think fit to take upon them the
" name of Bishops, because of the Antichristian
" abuse of that name, contenting themselves with
" the name of Elders. As to their union with the
" Waldenses, before it could be brought about,
" the good Waldenses were again dissipated, their
" Bishop, Stephen, being burnt at Vienna."
The Bishop of Meaux touches itpon this history,
and supposeth to have found in it an occasion of
triumph, as believing that it clearly proves, that the
Waldenses had no ministry at all, because they
were forced to take their ordination from the Church
of Rome. He observes, that they sent those whom
they designed to be Priests, to Popish Bishops, to
receive their ordination from them. But this indeed
proves just the contrary to what he pretends.
1. It appears from hence, that they made a great
distinction between the Ministers of the Gospel and
the rest of the people.
266 Remarks upon the
chap. 2. That they did not make use of the title of ne-
!_cessity, but in such circumstances as made out a
real necessity.
3. That though they highly declaimed against the
Church of Rome and its ministry, yet they never-
theless acknowledged, that the episcopal ministry
in her was lawful, if separated only from the cor-
ruptions wherewith it was stained.
However, this action, which seems so irregular, is
no stranger than that of the ancient believers of
Lombardy, in the time of Gregory I. who finding
themselves deprived of Ministers, by reason of the
243 Arian persecution, which had scattered them, betook
themselves to the Arian Priests to have their chil-
dren baptized, though in other places the validity of
the Arian ministry was so little owned, that they
rebaptized the children who had been baptized by
them.
Neither do I believe that the Bishop has cause to
reproach this poor people for their carriage in this
behalf, till after he shall have persuaded those of his
communion to abolish the custom they have at
Rome, to permit the Greeks, whom they have se-
duced, and bred up in their seminaries, to receive
their ordination from Greek Bishops, though they
account those Bishops both schismatics and here-
tics, and get themselves ordained by them, with de-
sign to oppose #with all their might the Greek
Churches, from whence they receive their Orders by
the laying on of hands.
Lastly, This Order has continued until the year
p. 209. l655, as we may see by the example of Leger, who
was Moderator of the Churches of the Valleys
twelve years. It appears from the history of Leger,
that the Moderator, who was during life, had power
to call synods, and to preside in them, and to cele-
brate the function of laying on of hands, p. 208.
And lastly, we may see a proof of what I say, in the
Churches of Bohemia and Moravia, who are a co-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 267
lony of the ancient Waldenses. See the account chap.
Commenius gives us in the year 1660, at which L.
time he was one of their Bishops, in his preface to
the book of the Discipline of Fratres Bohemi; and
see p. 167 and \6S of Leger.
As for the manner of their discharging the func-
tion of the ministry, we can sufficiently justify them,
if the testimony of their greatest enemies is worthy
of any consideration.
Here is the testimony that Peter Damiani gives T.3.0pusc.
to the Clergy of the diocese of Turin, when he writes
to Cunibert, Archbishop of Turin. He owns, that
this Clergy was honest enough, and that they were
sufficiently brought up in learning ; that when they
met with him, they seemed to be an angelic chorus,
a quire of angels ; and that they shined as a con-
spicuous senate of their Church. All that obliges 244
him to change this good opinion is only that he
was told those Clergymen were married. One can-
not enough admire the fury with which he aggra-
vates this pretended crime, neither the care he takes
to bear them down with the authority of some
Councils ; yet after all, he is forced to confess, they
defended themselves by the authority of the holy
Scripture, and they opposed Councils to Coun-
cils, whose authority he could not elude, but by de-
claring that he acknowledged none for Councils,
but those which agreed to the decrees of the Roman
Pontiffs.
It is an easy matter to reflect upon the vehement
accusations they constantly offered, since that time,
against the Romish Clergy, with respect to several
notorious crimes, in which they lived publicly, being
authorized in them by the public custom, or the
canons of this communion. Indeed they meet with
many proofs of it in the writings of their adver-
saries, who never were more weak than when they
undertake to repulse those reproaches offered to
them with so much confidence by the Paterines or
268 Remarks upon the
chap. Waldenses. But one may be satisfied with the tes-
xx ' timony Seisselius, one of the last of their adversaries,
gives to them a little before the Reformation.
" They say," saith Seisselius, fol. 14, "that we of
" the Roman Church open and point out a way to
" all manner of dissoluteness and lust ; they received
" the order of priesthood against their wills, and
" opposing themselves against it ; whereas we either
" buy our priesthood with money, or obtain it by
" force, or by the favour of some temporal prince,
" and other sinister ways, and for no other end but
" to satisfy our lusts, to enrich our relations, and to
" acquire worldly pomp and glory. Moreover, they
" spent their whole lives in manifold watchings,
" fastings, and travels, being neither affrighted with
" labours or dangers, that so they might point out
" the way of salvation to the flock committed to
" them ; whereas we spend all our time in idleness,
" lusts, and other earthly, yea, wicked and ungodly
" things. They wholly despising gold and silver, as
" they had freely received, did in like manner ad-
" minister the divine grace to others ; whereas we
245 " set all holy things, yea, the very treasures of God's
" Church, to sale. And in a word, (that I may not
" insist on all the particulars which, with a most
" most profligate confidence, they upbraid us with,)
" we confound all things, both human and divine ;
" insomuch, as that this Church of Rome cannot be
" called the spouse of Christ, but rather that whore,
" and open prostitute, whom Isaiah, Jeremy, Ezekiel,
" and John in the Revelation, have set forth in her
" colours."
This without doubt will be sufficient to prove,
that as they have preserved the faith that was com-
mitted to them ; so have they been as careful to
preserve entire amongst them the ancient discipline
of the Church, which was in use in those times,
which did most closely adhere to the observation of
the Canons. But I will go further yet, and evidence,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 269
s
1. That they derived this their ministry from the chap.
ancient Church of Italy. XX1V'
2. That tbey never passed for laymen upon any
better ground than that of some ridiculous preju-
dices, the falseness of which the Church of Rome
doth at present acknowledge.
Whence it will follow, in the third place, that
nothing can be more false than what is pretended,
viz. that they had no kind of lawful ministry
amongst them, but that laymen took upon them
the power of preaching, of ordaining Ministers, and
administering the sacraments.
I say therefore, that these Churches had their
ministry from the ancient Churches of the diocese of
Italy. To make out this, we need only examine the
cause of the separation which the Popes were the
occasion of in this diocese, and the manner by which
it was effected. It was a very ancient custom for
the Clergy to give some money for their ordinations ;
the Popes had for a long time paid a certain sum of
money for their instalment; and the eastern Patri-
archs in like manner; a custom confirmed by the
Novel 123. of Justinian, cap.l. This custom reached
all the Bishops and Priests, yea, the very meanest
Clerks, who were obliged to pay a certain sum of
money to the Bishop that had ordained them, for
inserting their ordination in the registers of the 246
Church; as may be seen in the same Novel, chap. 3.
In process of time, when benefices were conferred
separate from ordination, the Bishops and laymen
that bestowed them introduced the custom of re-
ceiving considerable presents from those whom they
named to those benefices. The Popes, whose aim
was to get all benefices out of the hands of the lay-
men, laid hold on this favourable occasion to exe-
cute their design. The pretence was very specious :
they decried this custom for a real sirnony; yea,
they pushed the matter yet further, by defining it to
270 Remarks upon the
chap, be an heresy, and maintaining that such ordinations
XXIV> were null and void. This is the notion Petrus Da-
mianus, Legate of Nicolaus II. gave publicly of
this matter in the diocese of Italy, by reordain-
ing, as if they had not been ordained at all, those
who confessed themselves to have been ordained
and admitted to their benefices after this manner :
yea, matters were carried to that height, that they
who were of the Pope's party trampled under their
feet the sacraments that were administered by
these simoniacs, to shew their zeal for the Pope's
definitions.
This is the first heresy the Popes formed by their
definitions. The second heresy the Popes made
bore the name of Nicolaitans : this heresy consisted
in owning that the Ministers of the Church might
be married, and that the celibacy which the Popes
at that time endeavoured to impose upon Ministers
was unjust and tyrannical, directly opposite to the
doctrine of the Gospel, and to the use of antiquity;
notwithstanding that nothing could be more impure
than the celibacy of Ecclesiastics was at that time,
insomuch that Petrus Damianus himself, who was
one of the great promoters of it, by the authority of
Pope Leo IX. was obliged to write a thundering
treatise against the sodomy of Ecclesiastics, which
then reigned in Italy, as it does still to this day.
But notwithstanding all this, the Popes prevailed so
against the western Churches, as to this point, that
in the end they in a manner wholly carried it. The
Clergy who refused to renounce their wives were
247 driven from their benefices ; and because they could
not wholly obtain their aim by temporal authority,
they employed their pretended spiritual one, by
darting out excommunication upon excommuni-
cation against all married Ministers, and forbidding
the people to own their ministry, and declaring the
sacraments administered by them to be null and
ancient Church of Piedmont. 27 1
void, and in making them to be looked upon as chap.
mere laymen, notwithstanding they had the ordinary XI '
vocation that was then to be had.
We may easily imagine how many scruples these
excommunications raised, which all of them return-
ed upon the Popes themselves. This we may ga-
ther from an answer writ by St. Bruno, Bishop of
Ast, which we find at the end of the Life of Leo IX.
writ by St. Bruno. The difficulty was this : " We
" have already told you, (saith he,) that even from
" the time of Leo, the Church was so corrupted,
" that scarcely was any one to be found, who was
" not either guilty of simony himself, or ordained by
" those that were so. Wherefore also at this day
" some are found, who, arguing falsely, and not well
" understanding the dispensation of the Church,
" contend, that from that very time the true priest-
" hood has failed in the Church. For, say they, if
" all were such, that is, either guilty of simony, or
" ordained by those who were so, you who are now,
" whence came you, and by whom were you or-
" dained? You must needs derive it from them, for
" there was no other way; and if so, then they who
" have ordained us must have received their ordina-
" tion from them who were either simoniacs them-
" selves, or ordained by such."
This is the question to which we must endeavour
to give an answer. And how does he answer this
difficulty?
1. He supposeth that the simoniacs no more
than other heretics were able to confer the Holy
Ghost ; and that therefore those who were baptized
by them must again pass under the imposition of
hands, as if they had been baptized by Arians. 248
2. He maintains, that the sacraments conferred
by simoniacs are null and void, and embraceth the
opinion of those who in Gregory VII. 's time ob-
stinately maintained this doctrine, in the case of
simoniacs and married Priests.
272 Remarks upon the
chap. 3. He asserts, that there were always some or
YVIT7 ' •?
other that were not guilty of simony, though per-
haps it was not known.
Maurus Marchisio, Dean of Mont Cassin, makes
this observation upon the foregoing passage of St.
Bruno, in the last page of his second tome, Number
12. " You proceed (saith he) to the second reason
" of the deficiency of the book, which we endea-
" vour to defend, which is concerning the sacra-
" ments administered by simoniacs and heretics,
" which the author maintains to be null and void,
" and therefore determines, that they are not to be
" looked upon as good and valid, but ought to be
" repeated. The author indeed confesseth, that
" some sacraments of simoniacs and heretics are
" valid, and need not to be repeated, to wit, those
" which with a good intent are received from the
" hand of an unknown simoniac or heretic." By
which means he obviates the calumnies of some,
who, from this position, that the sacraments of si-
moniacs are void, would prove, that the priesthood
had failed in the Church ever since the time of
Leo IX. because, as he saith, in the life of the same
Leo, where he mentions this calumny, that there
was scarce one to be found in the Church who was
not either a simoniac himself, or ordained by such
as were : whence it followed, that if all simoniacal
ordination was void, that there was not one true
Bishop left in the Church that could confer good
and valid Orders, nor any Priest that was duly and
lawfully ordained: for they argued thus; If at the
time of Leo IX. all were either simoniacs or or-
dained by such, whence then are you who now are?
You must needs derive your ordination from these
simoniacs ; for there is no other way, for they who
249 ordained you were ordained by them.
Now, to answer this objection, St. Bruno was
unwilling to interrupt his narrative of the acts of
Leo IX. but promised to do it in a treatise apart,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 2/3
which he accordingly made, and which we here chap.
endeavour to answer. Towards the end of this '_
treatise he concludes, that these objectors were
mistaken, because at that time there were many
concealed simoniacs, of whom many received their
ordination with a good intent, whose ordination
consequently was not void, but valid. But he con-
cludes the contrary, concerning orders conferred by
a known simoniac; for those he maintains to be in-
valid, and that consequently they ought to be re-
peated. And such he supposeth that some (though
not all the) ordinations then were.
Now this, though it were written without all
doubt by the author, out of his great zeal against
the simoniacs, is not to be admitted, except only in
that sense wherein most laws declare simoniacal or-
dinations to be invalid. Which the doctors expound
concerning the nullity of ordination, as to the func-
tion and execution of those orders ; or as far as they
can be made void by the Church, by denying a law-
ful exercise of orders to a simoniac; or with respect
to right or jurisdiction, if the same be necessary to
any function; and that it doth appear, that the
Church was simoniacally robbed of the same; or
lastly, with respect to the obtaining of a benefice,
which the Church refuseth to allow as valid; if the
same be simoniacally procured. Suarez exactly
clears all these points, lib. de Simon, cap. 97. a
num.2; but that ordination, though simoniacally
conferred, and the Sacrament, though simoniacally
administered, in itself considered, is valid, is not at
all to be doubted of, as being at large confirmed,
not only by Suarez in the same place, num. 3. and
4. but also long since by Bernaldus Presbyter, in his
letter to Bernard, the master of the schools at Con-
stance, who was afterwards Monk of Corby in
Saxony, and was of the same opinion we here set
down: and the same was also the judgment of the
famous Guido, (of whom Baronius makes mention
T
274 Remarks upon the
chap, ad ann. 1022,) according to the testimony of the
same Bernaldus, commending on the other hand
25oPetrus Damianus, who in his book, which he en-
titles Gratissimus, demonstrates, that ordination
may be conveyed by simoniacs and heretics, as well
as by others.
Thus we see what pains we must take to make the
opinions of the Popish Divines to accord with those
of our modern Schoolmen; and if one should endea-
vour to do it, yet will it be impossible to avoid the
consequences of those opinions. And indeed it was
only from the sequel of these opinions, which reigned
above two hundred years, that the Pope's creatures
have pretended, that those who had been deposed
in Italy by the unjust laws of Popes were become
laics, incapable of administering the sacraments, or
imposing of hands ; all this so extravagantly, that if
once we admit of these principles, it will follow,
first, that all those who were ordained by simoniacs
were never made Priests ; and that those who were
ordained by married persons did not receive any
sacred Orders : the first of these puts the Church
of Rome into a terrible condition ; for we defy the
most able of their doctors to make it appear that
their Popes were not simoniacs ; they who have had
a like ordination for divers ages, and holding it only
from the approbation of the Emperors, either of
the east or west. The other is confounded by the
confession of the whole Church of Rome, who owns
the ministry of the Greek Church to be lawful, as
well as of other eastern Churches, where we know
that the Ministers have been married, and are so still.
However, thus much is evident, 1. That after the
separation of the diocese of Italy, the Bishops,
which Rome called heretics, because of their pre-
tended simony, and their being married, continued
still in the exercise of their functions, without
troubling themselves about the Papal definitions or
excomm unications.
ancient Church of Piedmont 275
2. That the reunion of the diocese of Italy with chap.
the Pope, about the year 1134, was at the best but XXIV'
very imperfect ; they of Milan being very wavering,
as may be seen from the 131st epistle of St. Ber-
nard, who was the promoter of that reunion, in order 25 1
to advance the interest of the Emperor Lotharius
against Conrad, and those who took part with Con-
rad against Lotharius, and who continued in their
aversion to the other Papal errors.
3. That these ecclesiastics and people of Italy
being thus reduced to a contemptible condition, by
reason of their small number, in comparison of the
body of the diocese, continued in that separated
state, exercising their ministry as formerly they did.
4. That they who had embraced the Papal party
looked upon them only as mere laics, who had no
authority either to preach the Gospel or administer
the sacraments.
5. That after once this charge had been advanced
against them, the same was obstinately carried on
and continued, upon very ridiculous prejudices, which
have been for a long time maintained by the great-
est of the Schoolmen; as Morinus proves in hisDeSac.
treatise of Ordinations, though at length they have 3 ^xer^'
thought fit to quit them. 5. c. 1.
6. That this charge was fortified by the joining
of some of Waldo's disciples with the Churches of
Italy, as I have made it appear by the treatise of
Bernard, Abbot of Foncaud.
I would conclude this chapter, if I were not aware
only of two or three objections that may be made
against what I have here alleged; and I think myself
bound to prevent them, because they seem to carry
some weight along with them.
The first is, that the Bishops of Italy, which by
the court of Rome were called schismatics, for their
adhering to the interest of the Archbishops of Milan,
were so far from espousing the opinions of Beren-
garius, that the Council of Brixia, which deposed
T 2
276 Remarks upon the
chap. Gregory VII. in the year 1080, mentions this for
XX1V- one of the crimes whereof he was accused ; that he
was of Berengarius's opinion, as appears from the
writing's of Cardinal Benno against Gregory VII.
and of Conradus Urspergensis.
252 The second is, that the question of schism being
terminated at Milan, by the mediation of St. Ber-
nard in 1134, we do not find that the Bishops of
Italy, or of Lombardy in particular, did continue
separate from the communion of Rome, it being on
the contrary very probable, that they were all of
them again reconciled to the same ; so that none of
them joined with the Paterines, or with those to
whom that name was given in the diocese of Italy.
It will be an easy matter to satisfy these objec-
tions. As for the first, I own that the Council of
Brixia accused Gregory VII. of Berengarianism ;
but I deny that those of the diocese of Italy con-
stituted the body of that council ; the greatest part
of those who assisted at it were Germans, who made
it their business to follow the footsteps of the Synod
of nineteen Bishops, which was held at Mentz the
year before upon the same account : neither can it
be looked upon as a strange thing, that their busi-
ness being to depose Gregory VII. who was the
great enemy of the diocese of Italy, they should all
of thern equally concur, without opposition, to have
him deposed, for several crimes mentioned in their
judgment passed upon him ; though some Italians
might at the same time believe, that he was un-
Prsefat. ad justly accused of heresy, for embracing the senti-
D°eaterratn!S ments of Berengarius, from which, as I have else-
de corpore where made out from his commentary upon St.
ChS Matthew, he did not seem to be very averse.
Neither is the second difficulty any better ground-
ed. I know well, that after that reunion, the Popes
endeavoured to their utmost to engage the Bishops
of Italy to be of their party, as well as those of Mi-
lan, and other lords of the country, who began to
ancient Church of Piedmont. 277
disown the power of the Emperors. But they who chap.
• . - • XXIV
are versed in the history of those times may easily L.
observe, that the council which condemned Beren-
garius had been very probably on purpose convened
at Verceil, in the diocese of Italy, because there were
many Bishops in that country of Berengarius's opin-
ion; Sigebert having taken notice that there were
many that pleaded for him, though the overswaying
number of his adversaries carried it at last.
They may conclude the same from the printed 253
account we have in the council, instead of the actsT.io.Conc.
of the Roman Council, in 1079, under Gregory VII. ff^'
against Berengarius. This account we have also in
the Chronicle of Verdun, written by Hugo Flavi-
niacensis, which hath these words : Omnibus igi-
tur in Ecclesia servatoris congregatis, habitus est
sermo de corpore et sanguine Domini nostri Jesu
Christi, multis h&c, nonnullis ilia [prius] sentienti-Th{sw.ord
bus. Maxima siquidem pars panem et vinum perTn aVms.
sacra orationis verba et sacerdotis consecrationem, °f, M-
J. never
Spiritu Sancto invisibiliter operant e, converti sub- which is
stantialiter in corpus Dominicum de Virgine na- Jj^dinfthe
turn, quod et in cruce pependit, et in sanguinem quih. Bishop of
de ejus latere militis effusus est lancea, asserebat,London'
[atque authoritatibus orthodoxorum patrum tarn These
Graecorum quam Latinorum modis omnibus defen-^ki the
debat.] Quidam vero cacitate nimia et longa per- MS-
culsi jiguram tantum a substantiate illud corpus in* TheMS.
dexter a patris sedens esse, seque et alios decipien- sibst? qne
tes quibusdam cavillationibus conabantur adstruere.
Verum ubi ccepit res agi, prius etiam quam tertia
die ventum fuerit in b Synodo, defuit contra verita- b ms. Sy-
tem niti pars altera, nempe Spiritus Sancti ignisnodum'
c emolumenta palearum consumens, et fulgore suo c ms. eie-
falsam lucem diverberando obtenebrans noctis c«/i-menta*
ginem vertit in lucem.
This is the account of what was done in that
council ; and it appears from the MS. of the coun-
T3
278 Remarks upon the
chap, cil which I have examined, that those who pub-
L_lished it have altered it just as they pleased them-
selves.
Now, whatever pains they may have taken in this
matter, yet it is manifest, first, that Berengarius was
not the first author of this opinion in Italy, from
whence the greatest part of those Bishops were
summoned to the council by Gregory VII. Se-
condly, That this council was at first mightily di-
vided, and that division lasted for two days, and
was not taken up till the third day. Thirdly, That
the word of long blindness, which the author of
this account speaks of, could not be referred to the
disciples of Berengarius, but to those who maintain-
ed the same doctrine with him in Italy, since the
contrary doctrine being set forth by Paschasius
Radbertus gave occasion to the division upon that
matter, of which Joannes Scotus's book, that was
burnt in Verceil, was an authentic testimony.
254 Moreover, they cannot be ignorant how that
diocese was laid waste by the forces of the Emperor
Frederick Barbarossa, which gave occasion to the
Clergy to enjoy a greater liberty in their opinions,
the four Anti-popes, who succeeded one another,
troubling themselves about little else but who
should have the mastery; and those who are look-
ed upon as the true Popes being not in a condition
to concern themselves with ought but what might
be for their own defence against the Anti-popes,
who were supported by that Emperor.
The third objection is this : that whatsoever has
been said, we cannot point to those precisely who
have succeeded to the Bishops, who separated them-
selves in this diocese of Italy from the communion
with the Popes, since the year 1134, when the
diocese of Milan was reconciled with them by the
endeavours of St. Bernard.
But yet, as I remarked before, this is very clear,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 279
that there was nothing but an horrid disorder and chap.
confusion in that diocese, by the intrigues of the XXIV-
Popes, and by the resistance of the Emperors.
Whosoever will look only on the succession of
the Bishops of Milan, in those times, will meet with
so great uncertainty in their succession, many pre-
tending to the same title, that there was nothing
more common in that diocese, than questions upon
elections of Bishops, or other clergymen.
Those who, as Ughellus, look upon the confirm-
ation of the Pope as an essential thing to make an
election lawful, are forced to look upon many of the
Bishops of this diocese as intruders and schismatics,
that gave occasion to the Popes to declare these or-
dinations null and void, and to deprive them of the
name of Bishops, Priest, and Deacons.
As since that time those who favoured the Popish
interest declared war against those that were or-
dained against their consent, and had their ordin-
ation from those who were rejected by the Romish
party as heretics and schismatics ; we ought not to
be surprised, if when Rome considered them as lay-
men, they on the contrary may pretend to have a 255
true ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons,
though in the consequence of time they thought
fit to conceal their titles, to avoid, as well as they
could, the hatred and persecution which those titles
brought upon them from the Church of Rome and
her Inquisitors.
It is known to all the world how careful the
abettors of the Roman party have been to destroy
the last monument of those Churches which they
reduced under their yoke. If we reflect upon Eng-
land only, we shall have too sensible instances of
this care.
St. Asaph was Bishop of the church called by his
name, and St. Daniel was Bishop of Bangor; we
know that these lived in the time of Austin the
Monk, and they do not doubt that they were two
T 4
280 Remarks upon the
chap, of the seven that opposed his usurpation; Bede,
L_Hist. Eccles. ii. 2. But from that time till the
English Conquest, (which was above five hundred
years after,) they cannot find the name of any one
of their successors, nor any name of any one Church-
man in that diocese. The Bishop of Bangor cannot
name three of his predecessors in that time. But of
this we find sufficient proof, that all the records of
these churches were destroyed by the English at
the time of that conquest; and we do not doubt
that they took especial care to extinguish all the
memory of these Bishops' opposition to Popery,
which we can plainly and certainly prove did not
prevail in that country till the English Conquest.
256 CHAP. XXV.
Concerning the persecutions which the Waldenses
have suffered since the eleventh century.
W E have given an account of the true rise of the
name of thePaterines and of theWaldenses; but that
true original of the word was soon after thrust out by
another: for, before the end of the twelfth century,
the name Paterine passed for a word derived from
the Latin word pati, because of the great sufferings
to which the believers of Italy found themselves ex-
posed by the violence of the Popes and Emperors,
who had abandoned their power to the Popes, to
exterminate and root out whatsoever opposed itself
against their authority.
And the same happened to the word Vallenses,
which signified no more than inhabitants of the val-
leys; which their enemies would needs derive from
Waldo, and which at last they imposed upon the
Vaudois, as living in the Valley of Tears, according
ancient Church of Piedmont. 281
to the derivation which Everard of Bethune gives us chap.
of that name. Indeed it must be acknowledged, _i^Xl
that New Rome has carried the art of persecuting
much beyond any thing that Old Rome ever arrived
to, though she seemed to have attained the mastery
of that art, after the ten persecutions which she car-
ried on against the Christians.
To judge of this, we need only take notice of
some laws which have served for a rule to the per-
secutors, how they were to behave themselves there-
in. The first law I have here set down is equally
levelled against the Paterines and the Poor of Lyons,
maliciously confounding them with the Manichees,
that so they might appear the more execrable in
the eyes of the people. It was published by Pope
Lucius III. Cap. ad aholendam.
The Decree of Pope Lucius III. against heretics. 257
" To abolish the malignity of divers heresies,
" which of late time are sprung up in most parts of
" the world, it is but fitting that the power commit-
" ted to the Church should be awakened, that by
" the concurring assistance of the imperial strength,
" both the insolence and malapertness of the here-
" tics, in their false designs, may be crushed, and
" the truth of catholic simplicity shining forth
" in the holy Church, may demonstrate her pure
" and free from the execrableness of their false doc-
" trines. Wherefore we, being supported by the pre-
" sence and power of our most dear son Frederick,
" the most illustrious Emperor of the Romans, al-
" ways Increaser of the Empire, with the common
" advice and counsel of our brethren, and other
" Patriarchs, Archbishops, and many princes, who
u from several parts of the world are met together,
i( do set ourselves against these heretics, who have
" got dhTerent names from the several false doctrines
" they profess, by the sanction of this present gene-
" ral Decree, and by our apostolical authority, ac-
282 Remarks upon the
chap. " cording to the tenor of these presents, we con-
xxv' " demn all manner of heresy, by what name soever
it may be denominated,
" More particularly we declare all Cathari, Pate-
" rines, and those who call themselves the Humbled,
" or Poor of Lyons, Passagines, Josephines, Arnold-
" ists, to lie under a perpetual anathema: and be-
" cause some under a form of godliness, but denying
u the power thereof, as the Apostle saith, assume to
" themselves the authority of preaching, whereas
" the same Apostle saith, How shall they preach,
" except they be sent? we therefore conclude under
" the same sentence of a perpetual anathema all
" those who either being forbid or not sent, do not-
" withstanding presume to preach publicly or pri-
" vately, without any authority received either from
" the apostolic see, or from the Bishops of their re-
258"spective dioceses; as likewise all those who are
" not afraid to hold or teach any opinions concern-
" ing the sacrament of the body and blood of our
" Lord Jesus Christ, baptism, the remission of sins,
" matrimony, or any other sacraments of the Church,
" differing from what the holy Church of Rome doth
" preach and observe ; and generally all those whom
" the same Church of Rome, or the several Bishops
" in their dioceses, with the advice of their Clergy,
" or the Clergy themselves, in case of a vacancy of
" the see, with the advice, if need be, of neighbour-
" ing Bishops, shall judge to be heretics. And we
" likewise declare all entertainers and defenders of
" the said heretics, and those that have shewed any
" favour, or given countenance to them, thereby
" strengthening them in their heresy, whether they
" be called Comforted, Believers, or Perfect, or with
" whatsoever superstitious names they disguise them-
" selves, to be liable to the same sentence.
" And though it sometimes happens, that the se-
" verity of ecclesiastical discipline, necessary to the
" coercion of sin, is condemned by those who do not
ancient Church of Piedmont. 283
" understand the virtue of it, we notwithstanding by chap.
" these presents decree, that whosoever shall be no- xxv-
" toriously convicted of these errors, if a Clergyman,
" or one that endeavours to conceal himself under
" any religious order, he shall be immediately de-
" prived of all prerogative of the Church orders,
" and so being divested of all office and benefice, be
" delivered up to the secular power, to be punished
" according to demerit, unless, immediately upon
" his being detected, he voluntarily returns to the
" truth of the Catholic faith, and submits publicly to
" abjure his errors, at the discretion of the Bishop of
" the diocese, and to make suitable satisfaction.
" And as for a layman who shall be found guilty,
" either publicly or privately, of any of the aforesaid
" crimes, unless by abjuring his heresy, and making
" satisfaction, he immediately returns to the ortho-
" dox faith ; we decree him to be left to the sentence
" of the secular judge, to receive condign punish-
" ment, according to the quality of his offence.
" And as for those who are taken notice of by the 259
" Church, as suspected of heresy, except at the
" Bishop's command they give full evidence of their
" innocence, according to the degree of suspicion
" against them, and quality of their persons, they
" shall all be liable to the same sentence. But
" those who after having abjured their errors, or
" cleared themselves upon examination, to their
" Bishop, shall be found to have relapsed into their
" abjured heresy; we decree, that without any fur-
" ther hearing they be forthwith delivered up to the
" secular power, and their goods confiscated to the
" use of the Church.
" And we further decree, that this excommuni-
" cation, in which our will is, that all heretics be in-
" eluded, be by all Patriarchs, Archbishops, and
" Bishops, renewed and repeated in all the chief fes-
" tivals, and on any public solemnity, or upon any
284 Remarks upon the
chap. " other occasion, to the glory of God, and the put-
xxv' " ting a stop to all heretical pravity; ordering by
" our apostolical authority, that if any Bishop be
" found wanting or slow herein, he be suspended
" for three years from his episcopal dignity and
" administration.
" Furthermore, with the counsel and advice of
" Bishops, and intimation of the Emperor and
" Princes of the empire, we do add, that every
" Archbishop or Bishop, either in his own person,
" or by his Archdeacon, or by other honest and tit
" persons, shall once or twice in the year visit the
" parish in which it is reported that heretics dwell,
" and there cause two or three men of good credit,
" or, if need be, the whole neighbourhood, to swear,
" that if they know of any heretics there, or any
" that frequent private meetings, or differ from the
" common conversation of mankind, either in life or
" manners, they will signify the same to the Bishop
" or Archdeacon : the Bishop also or Archdeacon
" shall summon before them the parties accused,
" who, except they at their discretion, according to
st the custom of the country, do clear themselves of
" the guilt laid to their charge ; or if, after having
" so cleared themselves, they relapse again to their
" former unbelief, shall be punished at the Bishop's
260" discretion. And if any of them, by a damnable
" superstition, shall refuse to swear, that alone shall
" suffice to make them heretics convict, and liable
" to the punishments before mentioned.
" We ordain further, that all earls, barons, go-
" vernors, and consuls of cities, and other places, in
" pursuance of the commonition of the respective
" Archbishops and Bishops, shall promise upon
" oath, that in all these particulars, whenever they
" are thereto required, they will powerfully and ef-
" fectually assist the Church against heretics and
" their complices, and endeavour faithfully, accord-
ancient Church of Piedmont. 285
" ins: to their office and power, to execute the ec- chap.
" clesiastical and imperial statutes concerning the '_
" matters herein mentioned.
" But if any of them shall refuse to observe this,
" they shall be deprived of their honours and
" charges, and be rendered incapable of receiving
" others, and moreover be involved in the sentence
" of excommunication, and their goods be confis-
" cated to the use of the Church. And if any city
" shall refuse to yield obedience to these decretal
" constitutions ; or that, contrary to the episcopal
" commonition, they shall neglect to punish op-
" posers ; we ordain the same to be excluded from
" all commerce with other cities, and to be deprived
" of the episcopal dignity.
" We likewise decree, that all favourers of here-
" tics, as men stigmatized writh perpetual infamy,
" shall be incapable of being attorneys or witnesses,
" or of bearing any public office whatsoever. And
" as for those who are exempt from the law of dio-
" cesan jurisdiction, as being immediately under the
" jurisdiction of the apostolic see ; nevertheless, as to
" these constitutions against heretics, we will, that
" they be subject to the judgment of the Arch-
" bishop and Bishops, and that in this case they
" yield obedience to them, as to the delegates of
" the apostolic see, the immunity of their privileges
" notwithstanding."
Ildephonsus also, King of Arragon, testified his 26l
zeal against the Waldenses, by his edict published
in the year 1194, which was printed by Pegna, in
his notes upon the Directory of Inquisitors. Part2.q.
14. p. 281.
The Edict of King Ildephonsus against the Wal-
densian heretics, commanding them to depart his
Mngdom.
" Ildephonsus, by the grace of God, King of Ar-
" ragon, Earl of Barcelona, Marquess of Provence,
u to all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of
■ 286 Remarks upon the
Chap. " the Church of God, Earls, Viscounts, Knights, and
xxv- " to all people of his kingdom, or belonging to his
" dominions, wisheth health, and the sound observ-
" ance of Christian religion.
" Forasmuch as it has pleased God to set us over
" his people, it is but fit and just, that according to
" our might we should be continually solicitous for
" the welfare and defence of the same; wherefore we,
" in imitation of our ancestors, and obedience to the
" Canons, which determine and ordain heretics, as
" persons cast out from the sight of God and all Ca-
" tholics, to be condemned and persecuted every
" where; do command and charge the Waldenses,
" Inzabbati, who otherwise are called the Poor of
" Lyons, and all other heretics, who cannot be num-
" bered, being excommunicated from the holy
" Church, adversaries to the cross of Christ, vio-
" laters and corrupters of the Christian religion, and
" the avowed enemies of us and our kingdom, to
" depart out of our kingdom and all our dominions.
" Whosoever therefore from this day forwards shall
" presume to receive the said Waldenses and Zapa-
" tati, or any other heretics, of whatsoever profession,
" into their houses, or to be present at their pernicious
" sermons, or to afford them meat, or any other fa-
" vour, shall incur thereby the indignation of Al-
262 " mighty God, as well as ours, and have his goods
" confiscated, without the remedy of an appeal, and
" be punished as if he were actually guilty of high
" treason. And we strictly charge and command,
" that this our edict and perpetual constitution be
" publicly read on the Lord's days by the Bishops
" and other Rectors of churches, in all the cities,
u castles, and towns of our kingdom, and throughout
" all our dominions : and that the same be observed
" by Vicars, Bailiffs, Justices, Merins, and Zenal-
a medins, and all the people in general ; and the
" aforesaid punishment be inflicted upon all trans-
" gressors.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 287
" We will further, that if any person, noble or chap.
" ignoble, shall in any part of our dominions find L
" any of these wicked wretches, who shall be known
" to have had three days' notice of this our edict,
" that do not forthwith depart, but rather obstinately
" staying or lingering, shall any way plague, despite-
<e fully use, or distress them, (wounding unto death,
" and maiming of them only excepted,) he will, in
" so doing, act nothing but what will be very grate-
" ful and pleasing to us, and shall be so far from
66 fearing to incur any penalty thereby, that he may
Ci be sure rather to deserve our favour. Furthermore,
" we do afford to these wicked miscreants respite
" (though this may in some sort seem contrary to
" our duty and reason) till the day after All Saints
" day ; but that all those who either shall not be
" gone by that time, or at least preparing for their
* departure, shall be spoiled, beaten, cudgelled, and
" shamefully and ill entreated.
" The seal )J< of Udephonsus, King of Arragon,
" Earl of Barcelona, and Marquess of Provence.
" The seal >J< of Peter, King of Arragon, and Earl
" of Barcelona, in the original of this paper. And
" the seal of Lord Regimund, Archbishop of Tarra-
" cona, and Lord G. Bishop of Tirassona, and Lord
" R. Bishop of Jacca. This was copied at Ilerda
" by William de Bastia, the King's notary, ann.
" Dom. MCXCIV. and compared with the original;
" witness Martinus de Scribas, notary."
Innocent III. caused search to be made after them 263
in all places. We have a letter of his, writ to those
of Metz, where he ordains them to be driven out
and persecuted with the extremest barbarity, because
they took the liberty to read the Scripture trans-
lated by Peter Waldo into the vulgar tongue.
Honorius III. obliged the Emperor Frederick II.
to publish that terrible law which we find at the end
of the book De Feudis, in the civil law, and which
has since served for a rule to the Inquisitors, as well
288 Remarks upon the
chap, as given them their authority. Which law is as
XXV- follows:
" Frederick, by the grace of God, Emperor of the
" Romans, always Increaser of the Empire, to all
" Marquesses, Earls, and all people under our go-
" vernment, health and grace.
" Forasmuch as nothing can conduce more to the
" honour of the empire and praise of the Emperor,
" than by the purging away of error, and the abro-
" gating of some unjust statutes, to procure the
" peaceable and flourishing state of the Church of
" God, and secure her liberty:
" We do condemn to perpetual infamy the
€t Cathari, Paterines, Leonists, Speronists, Arnold-
" ists, Circumcised, and all other heretics of both
" sexes, by what names soever they are called, com-
" manding their goods to be confiscated, so as never
a to return to them again, or by way of inheritance to
" devolve to their children ; since it is a much more
" heinous crime to offend the majesty of the eternal
" God, than any temporal prince. And as for those
" who are only suspected of heresy, except at the
" command of the Church, according to the degree
" of suspicion and quality of the person, they make
" their innocence to appear by a sufficient vindica-
" tion of themselves, shall be accounted infamous
" and outlawed ; and if they continue so for a whole
" year, we condemn them for heretics.
264 " We also ordain by this perpetual edict, that all
" that are in authority, Consuls and Rectors, what-
" soever their office may be, do publicly take an
" oath, for defence of the faith, that they will faith-
" fully endeavour, to the utmost of their power, to
" exterminate all heretics in the places subject to
" their jurisdiction ; so that from henceforward, as
" soon as any one shall be taken into any place of
" power, either perpetual or temporary, he shall be
" obliged to swear to this article ; and that in case
" of failure, they shall neither be accounted persons
ancient Church of Piedmont, 289
" in power or consuls; and we from thenceforward chap.
" declare all their acts and sentences null and void. xxv>
" And in case that any temporal lord, being re-
" quired and admonished by the Church, shall neg-
" lect to purge his territories from heretical pravity,
" after a whole year elapsed from the time of his
" admonition, we give leave to Catholics to possess
" themselves of his lands, who, after having rooted
" out the heretics, shall quietly possess the same,
" and preserve it in piety. Provided always that
" the rights of the principal lord of the fee be pre-
" served
" but that the foresaid law shall be wholly in force
" against those who have no such superior lords of
" the fee.
" Moreover, we proscribe all heretics, entertainers
" and favourers of heretics, firmly ordaining, that as
" soon as any such, being excommunicated by the
" Church, shall contemptuously refuse to make sa-
" tisfaction within a year's time, that then he be
" made infamous by law, and incapable of any office,
" or of being a member of any council, or of having
" a voice in the choice of officers, or being a wit-
" ness : that moreover he be deprived of the power
" of making a will, and of succeeding into an in-
" heritance. Furthermore, that nobody shall be
" bound to answer to his complaint or charge, but
" he be obliged to answer the charge of others
" against him : and if he be a judge, that his sen-
" tence be of no force, and that no causes be brought
" before him; if he be a lawyer, that his pleading be
" not admitted ; and if a scrivener, that the writings 265
" drawn up by him be invalid.
" And we Honorius, Bishop, servant of the ser-
" vants of God, do praise, approve, and confirm these
" laws, to continue for ever, which are made by
" Frederick, Emperor of the Romans, our dearest
" son, for the good of all Christians. And in case
" any man, by a presumptuous attempt, being in-
u
290 Remarks upon the
chap. « stigated thereto by the enemy of mankind, shall
" any way endeavour the infraction of them, let him
" be assured, that by so doing he will incur the in-
" dignation of Almighty God, and of the blessed
" Apostles Peter and Paul."
We may take a guess from hence of the miseries
these Christians have been exposed to, who from the
time of these bloody edicts scarce enjoyed the least
interval of rest. And we may add also the settling
of the Inquisition, which was introduced with the
title of an office by Gregory IX. They who will
take the pains to consult the Annals of the Church
of Rome will find, that from the thirteenth century
her purple hath been dyed in the blood of the Wal-
denses and Paterines. The primitive Christian
Church suffered ten persecutions, but most of them
at considerable intervals, and their whole continu-
ance was not at the most above two hundred and
fifty years ; and it hath been demonstrated, that the
Dodwei. number of the martyrs was not excessive. But
Jrian.rtCy ~R°me now can vaunt itself to have almost continu-
ally maintained a persecution against these Churches
of Italy, and to have carried it on to that degree, that
there are none of them now to be found in their own
country, except those she locks up in her dungeons,
and reserves for capital punishments.
My design is not to draw the picture of these
cruelties, since Rome has monopolized the trade of
persecution; he that would undertake this, ought
to be furnished with the registers of the Inquisitors,
who have been the executioners of the bloody sen-
tences of that tribunal, in all the places where the
Churches of Piedmont have spread their faith, by
266 planting of their colonies. I shall only make some
few observations upon this matter, which may give
us a compendious view of the horridness of the In-
quisitors' proceedings.
First, They have not omitted any cruelty, whereby
they might find a pretence of running them down,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 29 1
as persons of most abominable lives. They have chap.
put them to tortures in vast numbers, both men and L
women, to force them to confess, that in their as-
semblies they committed filthiness against nature.
Hereof we have an illustrious example in Perrin,P. 203.
chap 7. which is a pregnant proof that the spirit of
Paganism is by transmigration passed into the
Church of Rome.
Secondly, They have made use of a devilish cheat,
to make people believe that they were guilty by their
own confession. There is a memorable example of
this in the year 1487, recorded by Perrin, chap. 3.P127.
in these words :
" I took notice of an extraordinary piece of vil-
" lainy in a process formed by the Monk Veiletty;
" for having the aforesaid process in my hand, we
" found the short billets in which the aforesaid
" commissary took the answers of the accused sim-
" ply, as they came from his mouth ; but we have
" found them afterwards enlarged in the process,
" and often quite contrary to what was taken from
" his mouth, by changing the intention of the ac-
" cused, and making him say those things of which
" he never thought. As for example; when he was
" asked, whether he believes, that after the words in
" the sacrament of the Mass, pronounced by the
" Priest, the body of Christ was in the Host, large
" and extended, as it was upon the cross ; and the
" Vaudois answered, that it was not; Viletty framed
" his answer thus : That he had confessed that he
" did not believe in God; or at the least his scribe
" by his order. Also they asked him, if the saints
" were to be invocated ; he answered, not : and they
" framed it in writing, that he had cursed and spoke
Ci evil of the saints. He was asked, if the Virgin
" Mary was to be worshipped, and to be prayed
"unto in our necessity ; he answered, no: they 26
" write, that he had spoken blasphemy against the
u 2
292 Remarks upon the
chap. « Virgin Mary." Behold the fidelity of the afore-
L_said Monk's Inquisitors, of so important an action.
This was not without a considerable providence
of God, that the memory of these wickednesses have
been preserved unto this present, that it may be seen
with what spirit they were acted, who, having the
power of killing and destroying, made use of such
impostures, to make them more odious under the
burden of such calamities.
Perrin gives an account how he was informed of
those villainies ; that when Am brum was taken in the
year 1588, by the Mareschal of Lesdiguieres, those
processes that were kept in original in the house of
the Bishop, were obtained from a famous man, Ca-
lignon, Chancellor of Navarra, and were put in the
hands of M. Wulcon, Counsellor in the parliament
of Grenoble, from whom he had a view of them.
Those processes were put afterwards in the hand
of Mr. Morland, and are now in the public library of
the University of Cambridge, from whence I thought
fit to make an extract in the next chapter, and at
the end of this book to justify what was asserted by
Perrin with so much assurance.
The reader may compare the billet and the pro-
cess, and thereby judge of the honesty of the Inqui-
sitors, and whether I was obliged to review with
concern such villainous and wicked calumnies.
Thirdly, They have employed the fury of soldiers,
and the cruelty of executioners to root them out.
Fourthly, These great accusers of the Waldenses,
as being unclean and filthy people, have made use
of the Inquisition to ravish their wives and their
p. 204. daughters; as one may see in the history of Perrin,
chap. f.
Fifthly, They have exercised their cruelties even
upon those whom the rage of the most barbarous
wars is wont to spare, old men, women, and sucking
children.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 293
Sixthly, They have involved in the same punish- chap.
ments with them, all those who spoke the least xxv'
word in favour of them: as may be seen in many
instances.
Seventhly, They have obliged princes to break 268
the treaties they had made with this poor people,
when, forced by the extremity of their violences, they
undertook their own defence, forcing their adver-
saries to come to a treaty with them.
Those that are desirous to be more particularly
informed concerning the behaviour of the Inquisi-
tors, need only peruse their Directory, printed at
Rome, 1593, by order of Gregory XIII. and from
thence may easily judge how they behaved them-
selves in the persecution of these poor Christians in
1375, which Spondanus mentions ; in that of 1380,Adan.
stirred up by Borelli the Monk, mentioned by Leger; 1375#
in that of 1400, set down by the same author; in
that of 1460, which he mentions, which continued un-
til the year 1487? under the conduct of the Francis-p. ne.
can Friar Veyletti; in that of 1488, under Innocent p. 117.
VIII. carried on by Albert de Capitaneis, and con-
tinued by Plorreri, a Franciscan, mentioned by
Leger; in that of 1494, managed by Antonius Fa- p. 129. 131.
bry ; in that of 1506, under Lewis XII. ; in that of
1532, by Pantaleon Berser, mentioned by Leger; in P. 156.
the year 1540, and 1541, in which were involved
those of Cabrieres, Merindol, and the neighbouring
places; in the years 1560, and 156l, and I do not
know in how many more, which are mentioned by
the Jacobins in the annals of their order.
But we may form a truer judgment of their suf-
ferings, by four very memorable new instances, the
first of which is, the desolation and destruction of
the churches of Pragela in Dauphine, in the year
1545, under Francis 1. The history of the destruc-
tion of Cabrieres and Merindol is as remarkable
and notorious in France as the Parisian massacre.
Sleidan hath writ the history of it in his book, and
u 3
294 Remarks upon the
chap. Thuanus has confirmed whatever he has writ con-
xx ' cerning it. The speech of Monsieur Aubery de
Maurier, attorney of the French King, touching the
same matter, is still in being, which is capable of
drawing tears from the eyes of cannibals themselves,
and the most enraged dragoons.
269 The second is, the destruction of their churches
in Bohemia, by Ferdinand II.; whereof we have an
account printed in 1648.
The third is, the persecution, or rather desolation,
which happened in 1655, in our days, and which is
set down by Sir Samuel Morland, and Monsieur
Leger, Pastor of those Valleys.
The fourth is, the business of 1686, which caused
the total ruin of those churches, and the dispersion
of the inhabitants of the Valleys : a short account
whereof was printed at the Theatre at Oxford,
in 1688.
CHAP. XXVI.
An instance of the calumnies of some Inquisitors.
J_ HE account given by an Inquisitor, in one of the
foregoing chapters, of the belief and conduct of the
Waldenses, clearly proves the intolerable impudence
of those who have charged them with horrid and
detestable calumnies, both as to faith and manners.
But because some may be imposed upon by the in-
formations against the Waldenses, where their aim
was to expose them, and to make them odious; I am
willing to give here an instance of the honesty and
upright dealing of those cruel Inquisitors, as of a
second kind of persecution against them. And
though these following informations, which I am to
describe, were taken in Dauphine, yet they wholly
respect the Waldenses, because it is an acknow-
ledged truth, that the inhabitants of Dauphine were
ancient Church of Piedmont. 295
a colony of those of Piedmont; as was evident to chap.
the Sieur du Bellay Langey, when he went thither XXVL
to take informations concerning the massacre com- 270
mitted by the president D'Opede, by order from
Francis I.
See here an extract of two examinations taken in
the year 1492; let the reader compare them, and
judge if the Inquisitors have not perfectly imitated
the way of the old persecutors, in calumniating the
primitive Christians.
In the year of our Lord 1492, the 2d of August,
at Ulcy, the venerable Bartholomew Paschal, Canon,
and Pidancerius, and Vicar of the Reverend Travellis,
Vicar General of the most Reverend Father in God,
and Lord John Michael, by Divine mercy Bishop
of Praeneste, Cardinal of St. Angelo, Administrator
and Commendator of the famous monastery of Ulcy,
in company of the worthy and worshipful Poncius,
of Ponci, Counsellor to the Lord of Dauphin^, and
Orancius Erne, Judge of Embrun, did proceed to
the examination of Francis de Girondino, of Spoleto,
called Barba Martinus, at that time a prisoner in
the prison of Ulcy in Dauphine.
First, he said, that about sixteen years ago, Giron-
dinus, his father, taught him the faith and heresy
of the Waldenses, and began to lead him up and
down the countries.
Being asked through what countries he led him,
he answered, through these several countries of
Italy, Genoua, Bononia. Lucca, Monte Martio, and
Ancona; and that his father himself, who was a
Barba, went to teach and preach to the inhabitants
of those mountains.
Being farther asked, with whom he associated, and
in what places, and with whom he continued and
conversed, he said, that after the second year he
went to learn the said doctrine of the Waldenses, in
company of another Barba, called Barnovo, who was
originally of the country about the lake of Perugia,
u 4
296 Remarks upon the
chap, in the lordship of Camarino, who led him up and
Ldown the aforesaid places for two or three years
together.
Being asked, whether after that the said Barnovo
had left him he still followed the same doctrine, he
said, that afterwards he kept company with another
Barba, called Josue, of Sancto Loco, in the said lord-
271 ship of Camarino, about three miles distant from
Charretto; saying further, that after he had accom-
panied the said Josue, to profess and preach the
said sect in the aforesaid places, another Barba, called
Andreas, led him to their great master, who was
called John Anthony, who has his residence in the
town of Cambro, belonging to the Pope's dominions.
Being asked what the said great master had said
to him, saith, that he enjoined him to take an oath,
according to their faith, and commanded him fur-
ther, that he should not, for any thing of the world,
reveal or manifest what he should say to him, telling
him, that to manifest or reveal their faith was an
unpardonable sin ; adding, that if he would keep
firm to that sect, and follow it, he would do much
good.
Being asked, whether there were any more of
those they called Barbae, he said, there were; and
that their great master himself was called Barba,
and said, that they all held the same sect, and that
very secretly. And he further said, that their great
master, who exborted them to keep their faith, and
they should be saved, also preached to them, that
all who should follow their faith were saved ; but that
those who did not follow it were damned.
Being: demanded which was the chief foundation
of their sect, he said, that their great master de-
clared, and that their Barbae found it so in wander-
ing up and down the world ; that because of the
wicked and most profligate lives of the Pope, Cardi-
nals, Bishops, Priests, religious, and all other eccle-
siastical persons, the Barbae follow this their faith,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 297
and meet with an infinite number of followers; chap.
because the said Pope, Cardinals, Bishops, and ec- XXVL
elesiastics are leaders, and the people follow them
in avarice, luxury, pride, pomp, gluttony, and anger,
and that this is the life of all ecclesiastics ; and that
the wicked and profligate lives of the Clergy was the
chiefest motive of their separation.
Saying further, that the Clergy living thus in 272
mortal sin, cannot administer the sacraments; and
that whatever they do is of no efficacy; for when
they are made Priests, they swear chastity, purity,
and virginity; but committing the aforesaid sins,
they break their faith and oath, and so become the
enemies of faith, and lose all virtue and power; be-
cause, when a burning candle is put out and dead,
it can no more enlighten and quicken another.
He saith further, that there is not a Pope, Cardi-
nal, Bishop, or other Clergyman, that keeps not his
miss, or his regesco, to lie with him.
Saying further, that his said great master charged
them to preach and enlarge their faith, and to draw
the people as much as in them lay to it, because in
so doing they should gain eternal life, because all of
their faith were saved, and the rest damned.
He saith, that when their great master, having
called together the community, has made them
Barbae, and given them power, he changeth their
names ; and that before that he was made a Barba
by their aforesaid community, he was called Francis,
but that afterwards he was called Martin.
He saith further, that the Barbae are made or
constituted, and there is an office or charge belong-
ing to them ; and that as soon as any one dies,
another is substituted in his room.
Being asked, whether they had any particular
provinces in which they exercised their office, he
answered, no ; but that they go up and down the
world preaching.
Being asked what further charge their great master
298 Remarks upon the
chap, laid upon them, and what the Barbae were used to
L_ preach in their journeyings up and down, he an-
swered, that he said, and they were wont to preach,
that one God alone is to be worshipped, who created
heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and
water : and that
Being asked what their great master told them
[the Barbae] concerning the saints, and what they
273 preach concerning them, he said, that they believe
in St. Peter, and next him in St. Gregory, and St.
Sylvester, and in St. John the Evangelist ; but in St.
Paul they do not believe, because he was an assassin.
Being asked why they rather believe in St. Peter
than in St. Paul, he saith, because God hath made
the said St. Peter his Vicar or Vicegerent, and given
him the power of loosing and binding; and because
St. Peter in his lifetime wrought miracles, therefore
they believe in him amongst the rest.
Being asked what miracles St. Peter wrought, he
saith, that when St. Peter caused the church of St.
Peter to be built at Rome, the Devil came to him,
and said, I will cause a fairer building to be built
than you can, and in shorter time, and that he would
do it by the next day ; and a little while after, the
Devil came to St. Peter, and said, Come to the house
that I have made but when you
enter, be sure you do not make the sign of the cross.
And so St. Peter came to take a view of the said
house, and when he was in sight of the said house,
which is now called Sancta Maria de rotunda, with
caution he made the sign of the cross, laying his
hand on his beard, and saying, By this holy beard;
and then laying his hand on his stomach, and say-
ing, By this holy fountain ; and then on his right
and left arm, saying, By these shoulders, this is a
fair building; and having, as was said just now,
made the sign of the cross, the Devil would have
destroyed the house, but St. Peter hindered him, and
adjured him ; and because St. Peter was got within
ancient Church of Piedmont. 299
the doors of the church, the Devil could not get out chap.
by the dpor, but striking his feet against the ground, '
he left the mark of his footsteps, and went out by a
hole which he made in the top of the church, which
hole is there still, and could never since be closed :
and for the said miracle, which he wrought openly
to the eye, they believe in St. Peter, but do not
believe in the other saints, because they were sin-
ners, and because they have not seen any of their
miracles.
Concerning St. John the Baptist, he said, that 274
because he did not desire grace of the Lord, he is
expected, and that in the day of judgment he shall
intercede for all ; and that it is not known whether
he be in heaven or on earth, but that he believed he
was in the terrestrial paradise.
He saith further, that they believe in the angels,
archangels, cherubims, and seraphims, because they
were created of God the Father in eternal life.
Concerning the Virgin Mary, he saith, that be-
cause God alone is to be worshipped, and that we
are not sure that the Virgin Mary hears our prayers,
because she was a human creature, and because Hail
Mary is not a prayer, but an annunciation and salu-
tation, therefore they do not impose it for a penance
on those who are of their sect. And, that the Lord's
Prayer is the only true prayer, as being a prayer
made by God himself.
Concerning purgatory, he saith, that there is no
such place, but the Clergy, out of covetousness, have
invented it, to extort money from the people for
masses and prayers for the dead, which are of no
profit, because as soon as a man is dead, he is either
saved or damned.
Concerning holy water, he saith, that they do
preach, say, and believe, that every year, in the month
of May, on Ascension-day, God blesseth the hea-
ven, earth, water, herbs, rivers, fountains, and all
fruits ; and that this blessing may be more securely
300 Remarks upon the
chap, relied on than that which proceeds from the Priest,
XXVI- because their blessing is of no force, except they be
pure, and free from sin, and because for the most
part Priests are sinners, as he said before. For these
reasons they have no faith in the sacraments ad-
ministered by Clergymen.
Saying moreover, that one may as well pray in a
stable as in the church, because God is everywhere.
Concerning holydays, he saith, that such as are
appointed by God, as the Lord's day, our Saviour s
Nativity, Easter, Ascension, and Whit-Sunday, are
to be kept ; but as for the feasts of the blessed Vir-
gin, and of the saints, no man is obliged to observe
275 them, except he please, because they are not en-
joined by God: nor is any one bound to fast upon
the vigils of those holydays.
Concerning the body of Christ, they say, that be-
cause the Clergy are wicked, of most profligate lives,
and great sinners, they cannot consecrate the body
of our Lord, nor is their consecration of any virtue.
Therefore the Barbae of their sect do not receive the
Eucharist, but instead thereof, they bless the bread,
and say, that this blessing is of greater virtue and
efficacy than the consecration of the Priests, because
as much goodness and holiness as a man hath, so
much virtue and power he hath, and no more.
Concerning the sin of the flesh, he saith, that as
they go up and down the world preaching, they fre-
quent nocturnal meetings and assemblies, where,
after that their Barbae have preached, they begin to
feast and make merry, and dance, running up and
down through one another, without holding hands
together, and this by candlelight. That after their
feasting and merriment, some one of the company,
though it be not known who, puts out the candle ;
whereupon they all apply themselves to act filthi-
ness with whomsoever they first meet with, without
any regard had to father, mother, daughter, or any
thing else. And they say, that in case in this filthy
ancient Church of Piedmont. 301
action any sons be begotten, that they will be the chap.
fitter to discharge the duty and function of Barbae, 1
and of preachers and confessors, than others, as
being begot in their assemblies. This done, every
one leaves the assembly.
Saying moreover, that such assemblies as these
are kept every year in every parish ; and that the
Barba, who is of the parish in which the meeting is
held, is present at it, because his parents are of the
same. But if he be not of the same parish, then he
preacheth, and afterwards leaves them to make their
synagogue between them, because he should not
mingle with his parents, neither doth he settle him-
self in that parish, except his parents go away.
The rest I have not set down, as being very fri-276*
volous things ; as, what he said concerning swear-
ing, that nobody ought to swear, and that they never
swear amongst themselves, neither truly nor falsely,
as accounting it a mortal sin.
He saith moreover, that no man ought to be put
to death for any fault, how great soever it may be,
except for murder.
He saith further, that when their Barbae are
created by their companions, the great master as-
sembling the rest of the Barbae together, as was said
before, they then take this oath as follows : Thou
(such an one) swear upon thy faith to maintain,
multiply, and increase our law, and not to discover
the same to any person in the world; and here pro-
mise that thou wilt not swear by God in any manner,
hut observe the Lord's day; and that thou wilt not
do any thing to thy neighbour, which thou wouldest
not have him do to thee ; and that thou dost believe
in God, who has made the sun and moon, cherubim
and seraphim, and all that thou seest, &c. I have
put this whole interrogatory at the end of this
book.
The other instance of the sincerity of those
honest Inquisitors is to be seen in the process of
302 Remarks upon the
chap. Peironetta, a widow; of which I judged fit to give
-XXV1, here this extract to the reader.
Peironetta, the relict of Peter Beraud, made her
appearance before Anthony Fabri, Doctor of the
Canon of Embrun, Inquisitor General after heresy
throughout all Dauphine, and the counties of Vienne,
Valence, and Die, specially thereto deputed by the
holy apostolic see ; and Christopher de Sabien,
Doctor of Laws, Canon, Vicar, and Official of Va-
lence, at the instance and prosecution of the wor-
shipful Valetrinus de , Professor of Laws,
Solicitor and Fiscal of Valence, being in this case a
promoter in favour of the holy Catholic faith, and
of the deputies of the office of Inquisition, against
Peironetta, &c.
To the first interrogatory she answered nothing,
and therefore I have only set down what she an-
swered to the second and third interrogatories.
277 To the second interrogatory she said and con-
fessed, " That about twenty-five years ago, or
" thereabouts, there came to the house of Peter
" Fornerius, her husband, two strangers, in gray
" clothes, who, as it seemed to her, spake Italian, or
" the language of Lombardy, whom her husband
" received into his house for the love of God. That
" whilst they were there at night after supper, one
" of them began to read a godly book, which he
" carried about with him, saying, that therein were
" contained the Gospels, and other precepts of the
" law; and said, that he would expound and preach
" the same in the presence of all that were present;
" saying, that he was sent by God to reform the
" Catholic faith, going up and down the world,
" like the Apostles, to preach to good and simple
" people the manner and way how they ought to
" worship God, and live according to his commands.
" And that amongst other things they declared, that
" nobody ought to do any thing to others, which he
" would not be willing they should do to him.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 303
" Also, That God alone is to be served, worship- chap.
ped, and prayed to, because it is he alone that can J
" help us.
" That to swear upon any occasion whatsoever,
" whether for truth or falsehood, or any oath what-
" soever, wherein the word by is used, was a great sin.
" That the sacrament of matrimony was to be
" faithfully and firmly kept.
" That the good works which are done before
" death, are of far greater profit and advantage, than
" those that are done after death.
" That no saints whatever, whether men or wo-
" men, were to be prayed to for help, because none
" could assist us in any thing, but God alone.
" That the Lord's day ought to be solemnly kept
" and observed above all other holydays, because all
" other holydays were enjoined by the Church,
" which therefore were not of absolute necessity to
" be observed ; yea, that a man might work on them,
" except the festivals of the Apostles, and other
" greater saints, which they did not particularly
" express.
" That the Clergy possessed money, riches, and 278
" goods, beyond what they ought to do, and that
" they committed many evils ; and that by reason of
" the superfluity of their riches some of them were
" fornicators, others usurers, proud, and covetous ;
" others again lived dissolutely and dishonestly, kept
" whores in their houses publicly and openly, and
" by this means gave a bad example to the people.
" That these Priests, by reason of their wicked
" lives, had no greater power to absolve, than the
" preachers and masters of that sect had ; yea, that
" their masters and preachers, though laymen, had
" as much power as the Priests.
" That the holy Pope, because he did not observe
" the holiness he ought, had no power at all, saying
" of him, that he was as bad as any of the rest, and
" consequently had no power at all.
304 Remarks upon the
chap. " That there was no purgatory in the other world,
" saying, that when any one dies, his soul immedi-
" ately goes to paradise, if he have lived well and
"justly; but if wickedly, to hell.
" That consequently all prayers and intercessions
" for the dead were in vain ; and that all that the
" Priests did, signified nothing; as their sprinkling
" holy water on the graves, and saying, Kyrie elei-
" son, Christe eleison; Lord have mercy upon us,
" Christ have mercy upon us."
" That God, in the beginning of the world, bless-
" ed all waters, and all other things that he had
" made ; and that therefore there was no need for
" the Priests to bless them a second time, which in-
" deed was then no better than other water.
" That the said Priests had invented purgatory,
" that by singing and praying for the dead, they
" might get store of money to maintain their disso-
" lute and luxurious lives.
" That it is better and more meritorious to give
" alms to the poor, sick, and leprous, than to offer
" it in the church to the Priests, who had too much
" already.
279 " That it was as good, and equally advantageous,
" to pray to God in a house or elsewhere, as in the
(i church, because God is everywhere.
" That though holy men and women were for
" their good works placed in paradise, yet had they
" no power to assist or help us in any thing ; and
" that therefore they ought not to be prayed unto to
" help us.
" That it was a vain thing to have recourse to the
" images of the saints, by praying before them, as
" having no power at all, being only material things,
" or pictures made upon walls.
" That for the same reason it was a vain thing to
" go on pilgrimage to Rome, or elsewhere, to pray
" there before the images of holy men and women,
" as not being able to help us.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 305
" That it was not necessary to fast upon the vi- chap.
" gils of any holydays, except those of Christmas, XXVL
" Easter, and Whitsuntide, and some other greater
" festivals ; and that on Fridays especially they
" ought to fast.
" That the preachers, and masters of their sect,
" and the Priests, or Clergymen, were formerly of
" one and the same order and degree ; but that
" when the Clergy began to follow after covetous-
" ness and the vanities of this world, and their
" preachers resolved to continue in their first po-
"verty; by this means a division and separation
" happened amongst them, and the Clergy became
" their enemies. That therefore, because the num-
u ber of their preachers, and others of their sect,
" was as yet but very small, they were obliged to
" walk up and down secretly, as Christ and his
" Apostles did, because if the preachers should not
" walk cautiously and obscurely, they would be in
" danger of being persecuted and ill entreated by
« others."
It appears, that these processes were in the year
1494, which date is found at the beginning of these
examinations.
" The foresaid process or examination was taken
" by me, notary, who have subscribed my name,
" GOBAUDr
This extract is faithfully transcribed out of a MS. 280 •
in the public library of Cambridge, where it is to be
seen in the original. But I thought fit to make it
public at the end of this work, that the reader may
compare those processes, in which the Inquisitors'
faithfulness is justly to be suspected, since we see
that there is very little of the first sumptum from
the mouth of the Barba, in the process that was
written afterwards by the notary of the Inquisitors,
according to their pleasure, to expose them to the
hatred of all the world.
3o6 Remarks upon the
CHAP. XXVII.
That the Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont have
constantly persevered in the same faith, until the
time of the Reformation.
X HIS is a confession which truth hath extorted
from Claudius Seisselius. The most cruel persecu-
tions have not been able to abolish the Churches of
Italy, or to hinder them from a constant defence of
that truth, which they received from their ancestors,
Foi.i. as a sacred depositum. " All sorts of people," saith
he, " have several times in vain endeavoured to root
" them out, and yet, contrary to the opinion of all
" men, they have still continued conquerors, or at
" least wholly invincible."
It is easy to judge what the opinions of these
Churches were before the Reformation, from what
Seisselius himself tells us concerning them, before
ever they heard of any reformation.
281 First, They lay it down as an infallible maxim,
that the Pastors of the Romish Church had lost all
the lawful authority which they could once have re-
ceived from God. There were two causes, say they,
of the election of Peter and the rest of the Apostles ;
the first was, because Christ knew their faith and
their charity; the other, that by means of them he
might reap much fruit from the rest of mankind : as
also, that it might appear, that in this choice there
was no respect of persons, but only regard had to
their piety; and this to that degree, that in case
they departed from it, they should not only fall from
his grace and favour, but also be deprived of the
authority he had conferred upon them. He saith
elsewhere ; / am the way, the truth, and the life;
let him that serves me, follow me: and in another
place, I am the vine, ye are the branches; he who
abides in me, and I in him, brings forth much fruit :
but he who abides not in me, shall be cut off, and
ancient Church of Piedmont. 307
cast into the fire. So long then as the Apostles chap.
continued in Christ, (now they always continued. XXVIL
from the time that they first received the Spirit,)
the foundation of the universal Church has without
doubt continued firm and unshaken, as resting upon
most strong pillars and bases ; and so likewise con-
tinued under their successors, as long as they imi-
tated the actions, life, manners, and faith of the
Apostles. But as soon as these successors began to
wander and go astray from the precepts and doctrine
of the Apostles, being seduced by divers lusts and
sins, they no doubt departed also from Christ, and
Christ from them, and consequently were cut off
from his mystical body; for we cannot call them the
Ministers of Christ, who are so far from following
him, that they follow a quite contrary way. Whence
it happens, that from a fruitful tree they are become
the evil and unfruitful tree, which can bring forth
no good fruit, except it be first made good itself; as
our Saviour himself witnesseth, saying, The evil tree
cannot bring forth good fruit. So that the reason
for which they were chosen ceasing, the effect of it
must needs cease also. It is evident then that a 282
wicked man, by his impiety, is cut off from the body
of Christ, as a useless branch is cut off from the
vine. Besides, he who is a child and slave of the
Devil cannot have the same relation to Christ, see-
ing he himself saith, No man can serve two masters ;
and elsewhere, Ye are of your father the Devil, be-
cause ye do his works. And besides, all those who
offend God by enormous crimes, according to the
testimony of the Prophet, are blotted out of the
book of life, and consequently are rooted out from
the kingdom of heaven, that is to say, the Church.
They maintain, that believers ought to separate
themselves from the communion of the Church of
Rome, because she has lost all her just authority,
by the crimes of her Ministers, and her errors in
matters of faith. Our Saviour has warned us, say
X 2
308 Remarks upon the
chap, they, to beware of this sort of people; Beware of
XXVI1, false prophets, who come to you in sheep s clothing,
but inwardly are ravening wolves: and that they
might not be at a loss who those were they were
to take heed of, he adds, You shall know them by
their fruits. Now the fruits are our works ; if they
are evil, we be to be avoided, though we may be
clothed like sheep.
When things are thus, how can that Bishop or
Priest, who is the enemy of God, have the power of
making God propitious to others? He who himself
is banished from the kingdom of heaven, how can
he have the keys of it? With what power can he
confer orders? How can he administer the sacra-
ments in the virtue of the Spirit, especially consi-
dering, that the Spirit is so far from dwelling in
him, that he is an enemy of the Spirit? Surely the
Spirit of God does not dwell in a body that is a slave
to sin, but rather abominates both his actions and
prayers. And if God doth not hear the wicked, in
vain do we implore the suffrages of him, who him-
self hath not God favourable to him. In a word,
since neither his prayers nor his other actions are
of any advantage, how can we suppose, that at his
word Christ should transform himself under the
species of bread and wine, and suffer himself to be
handled by him whom he hath altogether rejected,
283 and whose actions he detests and abhors ? More-
over, O immortal God, what wise man can ever be-
lievej that a king, endowed with the least grain of
wisdom, will bestow his lieutenancy with sovereign
power upon him to whom he scorns to allow a
place amongst the meanest of his servants, him
whom he thinks deserving the very worst of punish-
ments ? Who is the shepherd that trusts the wolf
with his sheep? Shall a wise man trust his most
chaste spouse with a filthy and dissolute libertine ?
Besides, is not he who turns himself away from
God reduced to nothing ? The Prophet saith, The
ancient Church of Piedmont. 309
wicked in his presence comes to nothing; also they chap.
shall be brought to nothing, like water that fleets 1
away: and in many other places you will find the
same. He therefore that is nothing, cannot be sup-
posed to do any thing. And that we might not
imagine that these things want Scripture testimonies
to prove them, hear what God himself declares ; To
what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto
me ? I am sated with the burnt-offerings of rams,
and the fat of fed beasts; I delight not in the blood
of bullocks, or of lambs, or of he goats. And then
adds, Bring no more vain oblations: incense is an
abomination unto me; the new moons and sabbaths,
the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with. Your
appointed feasts my soul hateth: they are a trouble
unto me; I am weary to bear them. When ye spread
forth your hands, I will hide mine eyes from you;
yea, when ye multiply your prayers, I will not hear:
your hands are full of blood. And Malachi, speak-
ing of these wicked Priests, cries out in this manner;
I have no pleasure in you, saith the Lord, neither
will I receive any offering at your hands. And a
little lower, / will curse your blessings. After this
he answers a tacit objection ; for they might allege,
that God had confirmed the priesthood to Levi by
an eternal covenant, and therefore that he could not
remove it from their family. But to this he plainly
answers, that his covenant continued firm with the
family of Levi, as long as they walked in the steps
of their father Levi : for after he had said, My co-
venant of life and peace was with him; and I gave
him my fear, and he feared me; he adds, But ye are
departed out of the way ; ye have caused many to
stumble at the law; ye have broken the covenant of 284
Levi, saith the Lord. Therefore have I also made
you contemptible and base before all the people, ac-
cording as ye have not kept my ways, &c. Which
words are very applicable to all Bishops and Priests
who transgress trie ordinances of Christ and his
x3
310 Remarks upon the
chap. Apostles ; seeing he also speaks by another Prophet,
. li_Ihave hated the congregation of evil doers, and will
not sit with the wicked. And elsewhere, I hate those
that do wickedness, and all the workers of iniquity ;
and infinite such like passages. Is it not said of
Saul, after that he had transgressed the command-
ment of the Lord, that the Spirit of God departed
from him, though before he had been chosen by
God himself to govern his people ? Moreover, does
not Christ say in the Gospel, If any man will come
after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross,
and follow me? and afterwards, No man can serve
two masters, God and mammon? and that which is
yet plainer and harder too, He who doth not forsake
all that he hath, cannot be my disciple? Shall we
imagine that he will commit his vicegerency to him
whom he will not accept for his disciple ? Now, if
the Popes be such, who will part with nothing that
belongs to them, and in other things do not keep
the law of Christ, with what power then do they or-
dain Bishops ? And those who receive any Orders
from them, how can they confer the same upon
others, since they are all of them sick of the same
disease ? In short, if they confer no Orders, then
those whom they have ordained cannot be true
Priests, and consequently neither can they adminis-
ter any true sacrament ; for if they really had Or-
ders, yet they would defile them by the filthiness
and impurity of their lives. If therefore we can
make it appear, that such are all the Priests and
Bishops of the Church of Rome, it will be evident,
that the Church of God cannot consist of them ; for
Christ cannot be the head of them who are none of
his members.
Some, it may be, will imagine that these accu-
sations against the Church of Rome, and the cor
ruption of her Pastors, are extremely exaggerated.
285 But first, we have reason to commend the up-
Foi.14. rightness of Claudius Seisselius, in reference to these
ancient Church of Piedmont. 311
criminations, if we further consider what he saith chap.
of the Waldenses in opposition to the Church of XXVIL
Rome.
" The Pope of Rome, and the rest of the Prelates i
" and Priests of the Church of Rome, do neither
" follow the life nor the precepts of Christ, but do
" quite the contrary; and that no longer secretly,
" but so openly and manifestly, that it can no longer
" be hid or covered with a vail, because they chiefly
" value themselves in things that are contrary to re-
" ligion, and do not only contemn, but mock at the
" precepts of the Apostles. They lived in great po-
" verty, humility, chastity, continence, as to carnal
" things, and contempt of the world : whereas we
" Prelates and Priests live in great pomp, luxurious-
" ness, and dissoluteness ; we think it a brave thing
" to excel in royal power, rather than sacerdotal
" sanctity; and all our endeavours and studies drive
" only at the acquisition of glory amongst men, not
" by virtue, holiness, and learning, but by the abun-
" dance and plenty of all things, by arms and war-
" like magnificence, and by a vast expense in an
" equipage, and furniture of horses, gold, and other
" things of that nature. The Apostles would not
" possess any thing as their own, nor would receive
" any into their society who had not forsaken all,
" and laid it in common : whereas we, not being
" contented with what we have already, fish for
" other people's goods, more avariciously and impu-
" dently than heathens themselves; therefore it is
u that we make wars, and incite Christian princes
" and people to take up arms. The Apostles tra-
" veiling through towns and villages, and sowing
" the word of God with power, exercised besides
" many offices of charity, according to the several
" gifts they had received : whereas we do not only
" do nothing like this, and give no good examples of
" holy conversation, but besides, we frequently re-
" sist and oppose those that do, opening the way to
X 4
312 Remarks upon the
chap. " all dissoluteness and avarice. They, as it were,
L_" against their wills, and with reluctancy, by the
" command or inspiration of God, received ordina-
286" tion to promote the salvation of others: whereas we
" buy benefices and preferments for money, or pro-
" cure them by force, or by the favour of princes,
" and other indirect means, and for no other end
" but to satiate our lusts, to enrich our relations,
" and for the glory of the world. But besides all
" this, they spent their life in manifold fastings,
" watchings, and labours, being neither affrighted
" with trouble nor with danger, that they might
" shew to others the way to salvation: whereas
" we pass our time in idleness, in pleasures, and
" other earthly or wicked things. They despising
" gold and silver, as they had received the divine
" grace freely, so they dispensed it to others :
" whereas we set all holy things to sale, and barter
" with the heavenly treasures of God himself, and,
" in a Word, confound all things, both divine and
" human. So that the Church of Rome cannot be
" said to be the spouse of Christ, but that common
" prostitute whom Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and St.
" John in the Revelation, describes in such lively
" colours ; for Christ hath joined his Church to him
" to be his bride, holy, pure, fair, adorned with the
" ornaments and jewels of all virtues, without spot
" or wrinkle, such as the Holy Spirit figuratively
" describes her in the Canticles. Far be it therefore
" that Christ should ever think of changing this his
" beautiful and lovely bride, for such a stinking,
" loathsome harlot."
Secondly, We may say, that the case was so plain,
that no disguise or excuse was any longer able to
Foi.18. palliate the matter. "We do not deny," say the
Waldenses, according to the account Seisselius
gives us, " but that God alone is the searcher of
" hearts, who, as the Scripture saith, searcheth the
" heart and trieth the reins; and therefore that he
ancient Church of Piedmont. 313
" alone knows whether the works of men be pleasing chap.
" unto him, and obtain his favour, which others can- 1
" not know, save only by conjecture. But he him-
" self hath taught us how we may know it, saying,
" You shall know them by their fruits ; for an evil
H tree cannot bring forth good fruit, nor a good
" tree evil fruit. Wherefore, though it be a diffi-
" cult thing to judge of good works, because they
" receive their value from the intention of the doer, 287
" yet wicked works discover themselves, and the in-
" tention cannot make them good, especially when
" they are evidently repugnant to the law of God,
" and open and barefaced. And therefore, if I see
" the Bishops and Priests every day living in dis-
" soluteness and luxury, robbing others of their
" goods, smiting their neighbours, persecuting those
" that are good, blaspheming the name of God,
" prodigally wasting the patrimony of the Church in
" voluptuousness and damnable crimes, may not I
" undoubtedly affirm, that they who commit these
" things are not the Ministers of God, but his pub-
" lie and avowed enemies ? Surely such they are,
" though we should suppose created or confirmed
" by an universal synod of Christians, or by the
" Pope, or by Peter himself. But how much more
" may we conclude them such, when those who or-
" dain them are worse than they themselves, and
" their works openly worse than theirs ? What shall
" we say, if it appears that they have publicly and
" notoriously bought the papacy; that they openly
" set to sale sacerdotal functions; and that they set
" over the Churches, not by mistake, but out of
u malice, those who are known to, be wholly un-
" worthy of that charge ; and who never in all their
" lifetime did any thing worthy either of a Priest,
" or so much as of a Christian ? Shall we obey such
" Priests and Prelates, who lead us the way to sal-
" vation neither by word nor work, but rather endea-
" vour all they can to drag us into the same pit of
314 Remarks upon the
xxvn " destruction after them? Doth not our Saviour tell
" us, that we must not suffer ourselves to be led by
" blind guides, lest, when one blind man leads an-
" other, they both fall into the ditch ? Hath not he
rt declared, that such as these are cut off from the
" life of the Church and the body of Christ, and
" destined to the fire ? How can he be the vice-
" gerent of Christ, who is not so much as a Chris-
" tian, or a member of the mystical body of Christ,
" whom he commands us to avoid as a heathen and
" publican, as long as he continues incorrigible.
Foi. 38. " And the apostolical authority, the faith of Peter,
■" which Christ saith should not fail the Catholic
" Church, with whom he promiseth to abide for
288 " ever, is to be found amongst us who imitate the
" life of the Apostles, who, according to our weak-
" ness, observe their commands and ordinances. We
" are those very persons of whom St. Paul speaks in
" his Epistle to the Corinthians ; Brethren, consider
" your calling, that you are not many wise men
" after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble:
" but God hath chosen the foolish things of this
" world to confound the wise; and the weak things
" of this world, to confound the things that are
" mighty; and the base and despised things of this
" world, yea, the things that are not, to bring to
" nought the things that are. And St. Paul himself
" tells us, that he was sent to preach the Gospel,
" not in the mightiness of man's wisdom, but in
" simplicity and plainness ; alleging to this purpose
" what the Lord saith elsewhere ; I will destroy the
" wisdom of the wise, and will bring to nought the
" prudence of the prudent"
Without doubt the Bishop of Meaux will tell us,
that all this is nothing else but the overflowing of a
schismatical temper, exasperated by the corruption
of the Clergy and their licentiousness ; but that in-
deed there is nothing in all this that shews them
to have held the same principles with those of the
ancient Church of Piedmont. 315
Reformation. I shall then make it my business to chap.
evidence the contrary, and that after so clear and XV1L
visible a manner, that the Bishop shall no longer be
in a condition to disguise it. What Seisselius tells
us in particular, concerning the articles of their
faith, is this :
" They receive only, saith he, what is written in Foi. 4.
" the Old and New Testament.
" They say, that the Popes of Rome, and other
" Priests, have depraved the Scriptures by their doc-
" trines and glosses.
" They say, that they owe neither tithes nor first-
" fruits to the Clergy.
" They say, that the consecrations of churches,
" indulgences, and other such like benedictions, are
" the inventions of false Priests.
" They do not celebrate the festivals of the saints.
" They say, that men do not stand in need of the
" suffrages of the saints : Christ abundantly suf-
" ficing in all things.
" They affirm, that marriage may be contracted in 289
" any degree, excepting only one or two at the most;
? as if the Popes had no power to prohibit marriage
" in any other degrees.
" They say, that whatever is done to deliver the
" souls of the dead from the pains of purgatory, is
" useless, lost, and superstitious.
" They say, that our Priests have no power of for-
" giving sins.
" They say, that they alone observe the evangeli-
" cal and apostolical doctrine, and upon this ac-
" count, by an intolerable impudence, they usurp
" the name of the Catholic Church."
Their Barbae, saith Seisselius, do err greatly, be-
cause they are neither sent of God, nor by the Pastors
of the Church, but of the Devil; as appears from
their damnable doctrine.
" They say, that the authority of hearing con-
" fessions belongs to all Christians that walk accord-
3l6 Remarks upon the
chap. " ing to the Apostles' precepts, (which their Barbae
xx ' " attribute to themselves,) because St. James saith,
Confess your sins one to another.
" They say, that we ought not to admit any kind
" of prayer, except it appear that it was composed
" by some certain author, and approved of God, in
" order to obtain something of him. Their Barbae
" have often preached this doctrine, to abolish the
" service of the glorious Virgin, and of other saints.
" They do not think that Christians ought to say
" the angelical salutation to the mother of God, al-
" leging, that it has not the form of a prayer, but a
" salutation: but it is only that they might rob the
« Virgin of this service, saying, that it is not lawful
" to worship or serve her any more than the rest of
" the saints.
" They affirm, that the blessings of the Priests are
" of no virtue at all. Did not Christ bless the bread
Foi. 56. « m t^ desert ? When the Apostles sat down to eat
" bread, they blessed what was set upon the table.
" They say, there is no need of holy water in the
" churches, because neither Christ himself nor his
" Apostles either made it or commanded it : as if
" we ought to say or do nothing but what we read
" was done by them.
290 " They say, that the indulgences allowed of by
" the Church are despicable useless things.
" They say, that the souls of the dead, without
" being tried by any purgation, do immediately upon
" their parting from the body enter into joy or
" pains, and that the Clergy, blinded by their covet-
" ousness, have invented purgatory.
" They say, that the saints cannot take notice of
" what is done here below.
* They abhor and detest all images, and the sign
* of the cross, much more than we honour them.
" They make no distinction between the worship
" of latria, which is due to God only, and that of
" dulittj which belongs to the saints.
ancient Church of Piedmont. 317
" As to the fasts, which the Catholic Church has chap.
" instituted for the honour of God and the saints. XKVIL
" they have yet less reason to object these to us."
There is a pleasant error Seisselius ascribes to
them, about the nature of lying, which evidenceth
how great their purity was as to this article, and
with what impudence it is that their enemies ca-
lumniate them with equivocation. " They affirm,
" that a lie is always a mortal sin, because David
" says, God destroys all liars." But it is evident
that these general propositions are to be moderated,
otherwise who should be saved ? Hereupon to con-
vince them in an error, he accuseth all the saints,
even St. Paul and Christ himself, to have made use
of lies upon occasion.
But because in all this we have made no mention
of transubstantiation, the Bishop of Meaux will take
it for granted, that in Seisselius's time the Walden-
ses received it as a doctrine of faith ; but he will
mistake himself if he do, for Seisselius declares, that
they rejected it as a great extravagance. He tells
us also, " That they made a mock of all the artifices
" they made use of, to make it appear more plausi-
" ble to them. I think, saith he, that those took
" pains to little purpose, who, writing against this
" sect, made it their chief business to insist upon the
" difficulties about the sacrament of the Eucharist,
" and, in order to the clearing of them, have spoken
" so sharply and subtilly, that I may not say con-291
" fusedly, that I have great reason to doubt whether
" ever they understood the thing themselves. Yet
" I will not say, that because I do not comprehend
" it myself, (for that I ingenuously confess,) I think
" it also to surpass the capacity of others ; but be-
" cause it has always appeared to me to be a point
" of that difficulty, that the most able have been
" fain to profess, that the strength of human under-
" standing must in this case be subject to faith."
After which he useth his utmost endeavours to per-
318 Remarks upon the
chap, suade the Waldenses to embrace an opinion, for the
xx IL which they had always testified a great aversion.
By this we may see what was the faith of the
believers of Piedmont, as far as Seisselius's account
thereof reacheth. And as for their carriage and con-
versation, the same Seisselius tells us ; " They say,
" that they desire only to overcome by the simplicity
" of faith, purity of conscience, and integrity of life ;
" not by philosophical niceties and theological sub-
" tilties.
" Setting aside what they hold in opposition to
" our faith and religion, for the rest, saith that
" Bishop, they for the most part lead a more pure
" life than other Christians. They swear not at all,
" except they be forced to it, and very rarely take
" the name of God in vain : they honestly perform
" their promises ; and the most part of them living
" in poverty, they protest that they alone observe
" the life and doctrine of the Apostles, and therefore
" affirm, that the power of the Church resides in
" them, as the true innocent disciples of Jesus
" Christ, for the sake of whose faith and religion
" they live in poverty."
It is impossible to give them a more advantageous
testimony than what he gives them elsewhere, ac-
knowledging, that they looked upon it as an honour-
able and glorious thing to suffer the persecutions
which were raised against them by the Church of
Rome.
292 CHAP. XXVIII.
Containing the conclusion of this Treatise.
X HESE are the observations I thought myself
obliged to make upon the ecclesiastical history of
the ancient Churches of the Valleys of Piedmont,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 319
to evidence their apostolical succession. If in this chap.
undertaking I have not been able to clear some XXVIIL
points, the fault thereof is to be charged on those
who have persecuted them to the highest degree of
outrage and cruelty, and who have spared none of
their monuments of antiquity, but such as they
thought might some way or other make these be-
lievers odious and abominable to those of the Ro-
mish communion. However, I hope that an equal
reader will meet with some satisfaction from these
my endeavours, and will easily conclude from these
remarks, that the cause of that implacable hatred of
the Pope and his Clergy, against the Churches of
Piedmont, was nothing else but the design of extir-
pating a race of people, whose zeal for the purity of
the Gospel engaged them to upbraid the Church of
Rome with her corruptions in matters of faith, her
idolatry, her false and superstitious worship, and
her horrid tyranny.
And forasmuch as my design is not to abuse my
reader, I neither pretend to excuse all the errors
which some of the members of these Churches may
have held, nor indeed to justify them altogether, in
all the articles which might have been objected
against them, during the time of almost six hundred
years, wherein the Romish party has opposed them.
I am persuaded, that all good men will have that
equity and kindness for these Churches, which the
Doctors of the Romish Church do so dexterously
make use of themselves, upon occasion of any in-
dictments formed against the primitive Church, in
those times that were nearest to the Apostles, by
those that have attacked them; or when the ques-
tion is concerning errors found in the writings of the
most ancient Doctors or Fathers of the Church. 293
Should any do otherwise, they would declare them-
selves thereby to be in opposition to natural equity
and the principles of charity, especially since after
all it cannot be denied, but that the body of these
320 Remarks upon the
chap. Churches have always preserved amongst themwhat-
1 soever is necessary to the constitution of a true so-
ciety of Christians.
The Church of Rome herself furnisheth us with
an excuse for some of the errors they had in com-
mon with the Christians of old, when she owns, that
for all them they did not cease to be true Churches.
Some of these errors are such, as that they of the
Church of Rome are ready to apologize for these
Churches in that behalf; and there be others again,
wherein though they have not the approbation of
many Protestant Churches, yet can they defend
themselves with their agreeing therein with other
Christian communions, whom the Protestants own
for true members of the Church of Jesus Christ.
I cannot but represent to the reader the particu-
lar character which the author of the Noble Lesson
has given us of these Churches, viz. their constancy
in suffering the persecution of the Church of Rome,
and indeed this is their true character in a most
eminent and illustrious degree; for scarcely is there a
Church to be found in the world, that ever had the
advantage of having borne the cross of Christ, as the
Church of the Valleys of Piedmont have done.
Never did the Church of Rome give in a more in-
contestable evidence of her own antichristianism,
than by her insatiable thirst after the blood of those
Christians, who renounced her communion these
six hundred years last past, for to allay which, she
has made the blood of these poor innocents to run
down every where like rivers, exterminating by fire
and sword those who were not moved by the empty
noise of her anathemas : so that for so great an in-
terval of time the Waldenses have always been in
the condition of sheep led to the slaughter, by their
continual and uninterrupted martyrdom maintaining
and adorning the religion of our Saviour, which the
Church of Rome did no longer profess, but in mode
294 and way adapted to her corrupt worldly interests,
ancient Church of Piedmont. 321
and to the design she had of making it a stalking chap. *
horse to the pomp, lordliness, and tyranny of her. L
Pope and Clergy.
Whatsoever reflections they of the Church of
Rome may pass upon God's seeming to have aban-
doned these poor and helpless Churches to the rage
and fury of their cannibal party, I am fully persuad-
ed, that they who have never so little made it their
study to consider the conduct of Providence towards
the primitive Church, will not at all be offended at
this seeming desertion of the Waldenses, and aban-
doning of them to the outrageous cruelty of their
persecutors, nor look upon the seeming triumphs of
the apostate Church as a mark of the weakness of
the truth professed by these people. And indeed,
notwithstanding the extreme rigour of their perse-
cutions, we find, that God hath tenderly preserved
them until the Reformation ; and though he has
often exposed them to the rage and barbarous usage
of their persecutors, yet withal has from time to
time sent them such deliverances, which have con-
tinued them until this day: these their persecutions,
like those of the Apostles, having only served to
procure martyrs to the glorious truth of the Gospel,
and to disperse throughout all places the knowledge
and good savour thereof, which the Romish party,
treading in the steps of the ancient synagogue, did
so cruelly persecute.
Without doubt this was the reflection Luther
made upon this account, when he was so far from
being offended at the rumour his adversaries had
spread concerning him, that by means of the close
pursuit of Leo X. he had no place left to hide his
head, save amongst the Picars, who were a colony
of the Waldenses, settled in Bohemia, he openly
declared, that he was not in the least troubled at this
their report; for after he had more exactly informed
himself of their belief, and having searched into the
design and intent of those black calumnies charged
322 Remarks upon the
chap, upon them, he owned them for his brethren, and
xxviii. commenc|ecl them for faithful Christians: and though
at that time he did not agree with them in all things,
295 as being not himself wholly freed from the impuri-
ties of the Church of Rome, yet he writes to them
with such an aifection and esteem, as abundantly
shews the respect he had for those who for so long a
time had opposed the corruptions of the truth.
It was upon the same account that Conrad Pelli-
can, one of the most learned men that had a hand
in the Reformation, undertook in the year 1543, at
Zurich, publicly to read the works of the Waldenses,
that is to say, those pieces which since have been
published by the author of Fasciculus rerum expe-
tendarum, and by Lydius, which contain their apo-
logies presented to King Vadislas. By this means
he gave to his auditors an occasion and sure means
to refute the ridiculous cavillings of the Papists, who
were very desirous, as they are still, to fix the epocha
of the Reformation to the year 1517? in pointing out
to them a whole body of a Church, which, in spite of
all the opposition of the Romish party, had always
maintained the truth, and preserved it in a sufficient
degree of purity, whilst the Church of Rome made
use of her utmost endeavours to corrupt it, to serve
her own base designs.
The learned and famous Usher followed the steps
of these great men, in his undertaking to justify the
Waldenses, and to make out their succession, with
so many marks of exactness and diligence, and in
having prompted those that have conversed with
him, and who have inherited of his light and spirit,
earnestly to desire that the history of these Churches
might be more and more cleared.
Let the Bishop of Meaux then, if he please, think
the Protestants might be ashamed to go and look for
their ancestors among the Waldenses, and to hunt
for them in the caverns of the Alps. His declama-
tions shall never be able to make us forego a jot of
ancient Church of Piedmont. 323 *
that tender veneration and respect we have most chap.
YYVTH
justly conceived for this nursery and seed-plot of ;
martyrs, and for those triumphant troops, who have
so generously lavished away their blood in the de-
fence of truth, against all the efforts, all the machi-
nations, and all the violences of the Romish party.
The judgment of St. Hilarius, expressed in his 296
writing against Auxentius, may be sufficient to arm
us against all the cavils of those who will needs have,
that it was impossible that ever their Church should
lose its purity, or that the same should be pre-
served by these Churches, reduced to caverns and
mountains. Unum moneo, cavete Antichristum.
Male enim vos parietum amor coepit, male ecclesiam
Dei in tectis (Bdificiisque veneramini; male sub his
pacem ingeritis. Anne ambiguum est in his anti-
christum sessurum P Monies mihi et sylvcs et lacus
et car ceres et voragines sunt tutiores; in his enim
Prophetce aut manentes, out demersi Dei spiritu
prophetabant. p. 31 6. Oper. Hilarii. " One thing
" I must warn you of, beware of Antichrist. It is ill
" done of you to fall in love with walls ; it is ill
" done of you to reverence the church of God in
" buildings and edifices ; you do ill to rest in these
" things. Or, can you question, that it is on these
" Antichrist will fix his throne? Give me mountains,
" forests, pits, and prisons, as being far the safer
" places; for in these it was that the Prophets pro-
" phesied from the spirit of God."
y 2
324 Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi
297 Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi de Val-
densibus, ex codice MS. G. in publica Bibliotheca
Cantabrig.
UT vobis Reverendissimo in Christo Patri et Do-
mino, Domino Rostagno Ebredunensi Archiepisco-
po, vobisque Reverendis Patribus et Dominis Fratri
Laurentio Cistaricensi Episcopo, et Thomae Pascha-
lis Orlianensi Officiali, Commissariis Apostolicis, Re-
gia et Dalpbinali auctoritate suflfultis ad causam eo-
rum pauperum de Lugduno, quos vulgus Valdenses
appellat, dictos a Valdeo, cive Lugdunemi, in loco
dicto vulgariter Vol grant moram faciente, qui ho-
mo dives haeresiarcha primus haeresis sectae Val-
densium inventor fuit, secundum Scripturam, Qui
bonis temporalibus renuncians, ccepit cum suis com-
plicibus vitam apostolicam cum cruce et paupertate
ducere. Et experrectis viris ecclesiasticis, multos
sibi discipulos sociavit, qui inde dicti sunt Pauperes
de Lugduno, qui dicentes vivere sub obedientia
apostolica, ab ilia tamen se separantes pertinaciter
respondebant cum redarguerentur, Magis esse Deo
obediendum quam hominibus: fuerunt tandem et
merito per militant em Ecclesiam damnati, sed non
radicitus extirpati, quia Lugduno fugientes ad ulti-
mas Dalphinatus partes, se transferentes in Ebre-
dunensi et Taurinensi dioecesibus in Alpibus et intra
concava montium accessu difficilia, plures ibi ex
ipsis habitaverunt, ubi paulatim procurante satore
zizanice, in copioso numero excreverunt, et demum
palmites suos tristes in Liguriam, Italiam, et ultra
Romam in Apuliam transmiserunt : et quemadmo-
dum Christus Redemptor noster discipulos suos bi-
nos mittebat ad praedicandum ; sic et idiota et besti-
alis illius sectae magniscius alios magistros inferiores
per ipsum creatos et probatos, quos vulgo Barbas
298 dicimus, ad docendum et prsedicandum hujusmodi
de Valdensibus. 325
sectae doctrinam, hinc inde binos mittere solitus fuit,
hi siquidem Barbae creari solent per eorum supre-
mum in civitate Acquilae in regno Neapolitano ; et
in eorum creatione quaedam solet fieri solennitas.
Nam in derisum Romani Pontificis, eis nomina
mutanturcum ad magisterium hujusmodi afficiuntur,
cujus siquidem damnatissimae haeresis cultores, qui-
bus viri et mulieres vallis ClusionisTaurinensis dice-
cesis, et omnes mares et fceminae vallis Frayxineriae,
ac plures vallium Argenteriae et Loysiae Ebredunen-
sis dicecesis a tanto tempore quod non est memoria
hominum, in contrarium fuerunt proni plusquam
centum numero ex ipsis sponte confessi fuerunt, se-
quentes articulos contra fidem nostram, tenuerunt,
tenentque, et immobiliter observant. Et ut de eo
constet et liquidius appareat, Procurator fidei juncto
Procuratore patriae et locorum circumvicinorum pa-
triae Briantonensis et Ebredunensis pro manutenti-
one fidei Christianae et honoris patriae relevatione
contra omnes et singulos dictae vallis Frayxineriae,
dat et facit sequentes titulos, quos petit admitti ad
probandum, citra tamen onus superfluae probationis,
ad quod se astringere non intendit, de quo et de
expensis contra eos omnes et singulos solenniter
protestatur.
In primis ponit et dicit, ac probare intendit, quod
ipsi homines vallis Frayxineriae fuerunt a centum an-
nis citra ultra, ac per tempora ipsa et alia a tanto
tempore cujus initii memoria hominum non existit,
fuerunt et de praesenti sunt haeretici, et sequentes
articulos contra Catholicam fidem tenuerint et te-
nent; et hoc est verum, notorium, publicum, et
manifestum.
Item et quod fuerunt et de praesenti sunt pro hae-
reticis et Valdensibus habiti, tenti et reputati com-
muniter,et ab omnibus de eisdem et eorum vita, mori-
bus, et conversatione notitiam habentibus; et hoc fuit
et est verum, notorium, publicum, et manifestum.
Item et quod de praeinissis fuit et est publica vox
Y3
326 Scriptum Inquisitor is cujuspiam anonymi
et fama, nedum apud circumvicinos, imo et apud
omnes a centum leucis et ultra distantes a dicta val-
le ; et hoc fuit et est verum, notorium, publicum, et
manifestum.
299 Item et quod fuerunt et de praesenti sunt ubique
terrarum de haeresi et damnatissima Valdensium
secta fidei Christianae contraria diffamati ; et hoc fuit
et est verum, notorium, et manifestum.
Item et quod propterea .homines locorum circum-
vicinorum, licet Catholici et Christiani, ac Christi
fideles, ex ipsorum de Frayxineria labe ubique ter-
rarum dehonestantur, et improperia quamplurima
atque damna et interesse, quia ab honoribus
multis commodis rejiciuntur ex suspicione ipsorum
de Frayxineria ; et hoc fuit et est verum, notorium,
publicum, et manifestum.
Item et quod dicti de Frayxineria haeretici di-
cuntur, et visi sunt mali et obstinati, et fidei Ca-
tholics contrarii, iniqui ac perversi, ac pro talibus
habiti, tenti, et reputati, articulos sequentes contra
fidem Christi tenentes ; et hoc est verum, notorium,
publicum, et manifestum.
Item et pro eo, quia Ecclesiam Romanam dicunt
Ecclesiam malignantium, et earn diffamant et repro-
bant, et ita credunt damnabiliter et contra fidem
Catholicam ; et hoc est verum, notorium, publicum,
et manifestum.
Item et pro eo, quia credunt et crediderunt quod
in ipsis tantum sit Ecclesia Dei, qui vivunt in pau-
pertate, in eorum symbolo credentes in sanctam Ec-
clesiam sine macula et ruga constitutam ; et hoc est
verum.
Item et pro eo, quia damnabiliter credunt et cre-
diderunt quod eorum Magistri et Barbae potestatem
habeant ligandi et solvendi, et quod illis et non
Presbyteris Romanae Ecclesiae confitenda sunt pec-
cata ; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
non licuit nee licet Praelatos Romanae Ecclesiae ha-
de Valdensibus. 327
bere patrimonium aut jurisdictionem temporalem in
hoc seculo, et quod a beato Sylvestro non fuit verus
Papa; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
quantam quis habet sanctitatem, tantam habet fa-
cultatem et potestatem in Ecclesia, et non ultra;
contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod 300
sacramenta per Presbyteros Romanae Ecclesiae mini-
strata nullius sint efficaciae seu virtutis ; contra fidem
nostram, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
eisdem Presbyteris Romanae Ecclesiae non sunt sol-
vendcB detinue, neque eis sunt dandae oblationes,
propter praemissa ; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
de censuris et pcenis per Praelatos Romance Ecclesiae
inflictis curandum non est, quoniam non arctant
neque ligant propter defectum sanctitatis, quia non
servant vestigia Christi; contra fidem, et hoc est
verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
Romana Ecclesia est Domus confusionis, Babylon,
Meretrix, et Synagoga Diaboli; contra fidem, et
hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
eidem Romanae Ecclesiae, seu Praelatis eisdem, non
est obediendum ; et quod omnes eis obedientes sunt
damnati ; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
nullum est purgatorium in alio seculo, sed tan turn
purgantur viventes in praesenti, et quod dum quis
moritur, statim avolat ad paradisum, vel labitur in
infernum, asseverantes Ecclesiam Romanam cu-
piditate ductam purgatorium invenisse ; et quod
pro mortuis ideo non est orandum ; contra fidem, et
hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
Y 4
328 Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi
pro quacunque re vera vel falsa non licet jurare ;
contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
licitum est libidinose convenire, et participare etiam
cum omni persona sibi in quovis consanguinitatis vel
affinitatis gradu conjuncta, saltern quando conveni-
unt cum aliis ejusdem sectae in eorum praedicationi-
bus, et extinctis luminibus ; contra fidem, et hoc est
verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
tantum prodest Deum orare in stabulo, quantum in
Ecclesia; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
301 Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
solus Deus orandus est, non autem Virgo Maria,
non sancti et sanctae, quia cum sint a nobis remoti,
non possunt audire preces nostras ; contra fidem, et
hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
aquae pluviales sunt ejusdem virtutis, sicut sunt aquce
benedict (E in ecclesia, quia omnes aquae fuerunt a
Deo benedictae ; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
etiam Dominis temporalibus non est obediendum, nisi
sint de eorum secta ; contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item quod pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt
quod detegere aliquem de dicta secta est peccatum
irremissibile, contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
extra eorum sectam nemo salvatur, et qui sunt de
eorum secta sancti esse dicuntur; contra fidem, et
hoc est verum.
Item pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
de festivitatibus sanctorum et sanctarum per Ro-
manam Ecclesiam introductis, non est curandum,
quod licitum est omni die opus servile exercere;
contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt quod ubicunque
licet et permissum est vesci carnibus, et quocunque
de Valdensibus. 329
tempore anni, et quod jejunia per Ecclesiam Roma-
nam introducta non sunt servanda, eorum quadra-
gesimam incipiendo secunda feria post primam Do-
minicam Quadragesimae ; contra fidem, et hoc est
verum.
Item et pro eo, quia crediderunt et credunt quod
non licet hcsreticis eorum sectce cum Catholicis ma-
trimonia contrahere, et multa alia erronea et nefaria
tenuerunt, crediderunt, et praedicaverunt, prout con-
fessi fuerunt, et contra fidem, et hoc est verum.
Item et quod propterea Reverendissimi dudum
Pontifices et Praelati Ebredunenses, cum Inquisi-
tor ibus haereticae pravitatis retroactis temporibus,
magnos assumpserunt labores, ut haereticam ipsam
sectam a partibus illis avellerent, usque ad tempora
Reverendissimi in Christo Patris et Domini Domini
Joannis Archiepiscopi Ebredunensis novissime vita
functi, et hoc est verum.
Item et quod praefatus quondam Reverendissimus302
Dominus Joannes Ebredunensis Archiepiscopus sta-
tim post ejus assumptionem, et de anno Domini
millesimo quadringintesimo sexagesimo primo, ne
sanguis eorum de suis manibus exquireretur, ad
corrigendos illorum excessus, et ad extirpandam il-
lam haereticam sectam per monitiones, exhortati-
ones, et commendationes, ccepit diligenter insurgere,
sed intervenientibus impedimentis, non potuit ad
finem perducere ; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod propterea, de anno Domini millesi-
mo quadrigentesimo septuagesimo tertio, Frater Jo-
annes Veylleti, ordinis Minorum, sacrae Theologiae
Doctor, et Inquisitor authoritate apostolica deputatus
contra ipsos de Vallibus Frayxineriae, Argenteriae, et
Vallis Loysiae, processus formavit, ex quibus detecta
est dicta haeretica secta, qua pro insertis articulis
sponte confessi sunt credidisse ; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod successive praefatus quondam Reve-
rendissimus Dominus Joannes Archiepiscopus de
anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo octuagesi-
330 Scriptum Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi
mo tertio, cum viris Catholicis et aliis eorum com-
plicibus usque ad numerum nonaginta novas infor-
mationes sumpsit, ex quibus apparet quod omnes illi
de Frayxineria, et multi de Valle Loysia et Argenteria
diffamatissimi et suspectissimi de dicta haeretica secta
apud omnes habebantur; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod propterea praefatus Reverendissimus
quondam Dominus Joannes Archiepiscopus, et de
anno millesimo quadringentesimo octuagesimo sexto
et diebus decima octava et vigesima nona Junii, et
tertio die nona Julii ejusdem anni eos generaliter
moneri fecit infra terminum in litteris contentum et
per litteras patentes debite executas, quibus parere
neglexerunt; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod propterea et successive, et de mense
Augusti, praefatus quondam Reverendissimus Domi-
nus Joannes Archiepiscopus mandavit eos omnes
nominatim suspectos citari responsuros de fide, offe-
rendo illis gratiam, si redire vellent ad gremium
Ecclesiae, qui contumaciter comparere neglexerunt ;
et hoc est verum.
303 Item et quod successive de anno prsedicto et die
decima quinta Septembris praefatus quondam Reve-
rendissimus Dominus Joannes Archiepiscopus lit-
teras patentes laxavit et excommunicatorias in eo-
rum perfidiam et obstinatam contumaciam executas
die decima septima ejusdem Septembris, et quam
excommunicationem sustinuerunt usque ad diem
sextam mensis Februarii anni Domini millesimi qua-
dringentesimi octuagesimi septimi, et a longe ultra
in excommunicatione sorduerunt. Inter quos no-
minatus fuit Angellinus Palloni, qui tanto opere
nunc ad veritatem occultandam suis mendaciis ela-
borat ; et hoc est verum.
Item et successive Reverendissimus Pater Domi-
nus Albertus de Cappitaneis, Archidiaconus Cremo-
nensis, in utraque facultate non mediocriter peritus,
authoritate apostolica deputatus, contra eosdem pro-
cessit, et informationes sumpsit, et de anno millesi-
de Valdensibus. 331
mo quadringentesimo octuagesimo octavo et die
sexta Februarii, et se inform avit cum quatuor ex
complicibus eorum concludentibus in effectu cum
aliis per praefatum Reverendissimum quondam Do-
minum Joannem Archiepiscopum super his exami-
natis, ex quo formatis processibus, certis motus re-
spectibus, a sede apostolica obtinuit procedere non
vocato Ordinario, et tandem nominatim citari man-
davit eosdem responsuros de fide, eisdem benigne
oblata gratia, si redire vellent ad Ecclesiae unitatem.
Quibus citationibus ipsi obstinati haeretici comparere
contempserunt ; ex quo undecima Februarii succes-
sive pro secunda vice citati per literas debite exe-
cutas, iterum contumaciter comparere neglexerunt.
Et ideo contra eosdem et merito literas excommuni-
catorias laxavit debite executas et publicatas, sed
excommunicationem ipsam et aggravationem sem-
per magis eorum perfldia sustinuerunt, ex quo per
literas patentes citati fuerunt visuri loca ad quae ip-
sis declinare contingebat supponi ecclesiastico inter-
dicto, qui pariter comparere postposuerunt ; et hoc
est verum.
Item et quod successive praefatus Donqinus com-
missarius saepius misit ad eos plures viros Deum ti-
mentes et salutem animarum haereticorum illorum
quaerentes, ut eos ad viam lucis et gratiae reducerent,
sed illos tanquam obstinatos ad postulandum veniam304
nullo modo flectere potuerunt ; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod successive ac propterea antefactus
Dominus Commissarius eos nominatim citari man-
davit, ut coram eo comparerent audituri defmitivam
sententiam per ipsum ferendam per literas debite
executas die secunda Martii anno supradicto, qui
contumaciter semper magis comparere neglexerunt;
et ideo nemine comparente, praefatus Dominus Com-
missarius cernens cor eorum induratum esse, nee in
eis signa aliqua pcenitentiae apparere, cum peritorum
consilio, visis omnibus praecedentibus, ad suam defl-
nitivam processit sententiam, per quam eos ut hae-
332 Scriptwn Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi
reticos pertinaces et rebelles brachio seculari reli-
quit ; et hoc est verum.
Item quod propterea ex commissione extremi Par-
liamenti Dalphinalis pro brachio seculari implorati,
strenuus miles Dominus Hugo de Palude Comes de
Varax, Locumtenens Dalphini, et magnificus Jurium
Doctor, et Dalphini Consiliarius Dominus Joannes
Rabboti, servatis de jure servandis, processerunt
contra eosdem qui proprias relinquentes domos, ca-
vernas et latibula montium, ac rupturas rupum sibi
pro fortalicio elegerunt: sed interim dicti Domini
Commissarii Apostolicus et Dalphinales iterum eis
gratiam et Ecclesiae gremium obtulerunt; proviso
quod puro corde et fide non ficta redirent. Ipsi vero
tunc quasi omnes de rupibus sponte non ligati, non
quaestionati descendentes qui voluerunt venire mares
et fceminae ad gratiam benigne recepti fuerunt per
eundem Commissarium Apostolicum, et confessi
fuerunt gratis et sine metu torturae, se fuisse et esse
Valdenses, seu Pauperes de Lugduno, et illorum hae-
resim seu sectam tenuisse, ac illi et illius articulis
supra descriptis credidisse, et inter ceteros Angellinus
Palloni qui materiam prosequitur ad praesens, ac tes-
tante processu praesenti justificando in forma pro-
bante ; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod reliqui, duodecim vel quindecim nu-
mero, in eorum turma existentes, qui contenti gratia
et venia, diabolico spiritu imbuti ab aliis aufugerant
cum essent plus obstinati, baniti fuerunt ; et hoc est
verum, notorium, et manifestum.
305 Item et quod alii ad gratiam admissi de se sponte
confessi, dictam damnatissimam Valdensium sectam
et haereticam pravitatem supra declaratam abjurave-
runt et quamcunque aliam solenniter post praedica-
tionem, et in eorum abjurationibus expresse promi-
serunt inter alia nusquarn receptare seu occultare
praedictos banitos, sed illos dum venirent repellere,
et Ecclesiae intimare, atque eis injungendas senten-
tias satisfactorias pro peccatis efficaciter adimplere
de Valdensibus. 333
constante processu ; et hoc est verum, et sub poena
relapsus in processu contenta.
Item et quod pro pcenitentiis fuit eis specialiter
injunctum post abjurationem supradictam, quod viri
qui fuerant in cavernis rupum se defendentes, ad
quinquenium, alii vero qui non ibi fuerant, ad bien-
nium deferrent cruces duas telae crocei coloris in
superiori veste ante et retro consutas, et talia fuerunt
eis injunctaEbreduni, ubi fuerunt ante fores majoris
ecclesiae ; et hoc est verum.
Item et quod successive dicti abjurati post eorum
abjurationem Ecclesice mandatis et monitionibus,
abjurationibus et monitionibus et promissionibus
factis parere pertinaciter contempserunt ; et ideo no-
mination citati fuerunt visuri testes prsedicti jurare
et examinari contra eos per procuratorem fldei pro-
ducendos, quibus non comparentibus ac testibus in
eorum eontumacia examinatis, iterum citati fuerunt
visuri attestationes publicari, qui comparere renu-
erunt ; ex quorum quidem testium tarn Presbytero-
rum quam aliorum Catholicorum bonorum fide dig-
norum, et suorum cornplicum depositionibus luce
meridiana clarioribus apparet eosdem de Frayxineria
fuisse et essejicte conversos et relapsos, quia haere-
ticos banitos receptaverunt, et poenitentias eis in-
junctas non impleverunt, vocati venire noluerunt,
quinimo Barbas et Magistros Valdensium postmodo
receperunt, et eis more pristino confessi sunt; et
hoc est verum.
Item et quod successive authoritate apostolica
deputatus fuit Inquisitor in dictis vallibus frater
Franciscus Plorerii ordinisMinorum,sacr8eTheologiae
professor, qui de anno Domini millesimo quadrin-
gentesimo octuagesimo nono, et die prima Januarii,
intelligens quod ipsi de Frayxineria derelapsu essent
diffamati signanter informatus a curato loci, et a plu-306
ribus de dicto loco Frayxineria?, ac cum veris Catho-
licis et etiam complicibus usque ad numerum sex-
aginta sex, quorum dictorum apparuit quod dicti de
334 Script um Inquisitoris cujuspiam anonymi
Frayxineria non impleverunt eis impositas pceniten-
tias, nee detulerunt cruces in suis superioribus vesti-
bus : quinimo receptaverunt haereticos banitos, nee
revelarunt Ecclesiae, contravenientes eorum abjura-
tionibus, inter quos Angelinus Paloni, qui nunc cau-
sam prosequitur, descriptus invenitur, ex quo viso
inform abatur antefactus dominus Inquisitor cum Or-
dinario procedens, quia solus non poterat, per literas
patentes eos omnes nominatim citari mandavit re-
sponsuros de fide et de relapsu, qui suspectissimi se
excusaturos, executos de anno Domini millesimo
quadringentesimo octuagesimo nono et die vigesima
quarta Maii: qui tamen comparere postposuerunt,
ex quo per alias literas legitime executas secundo
citati fuerunt eodem anno, et die vigesima octava
Maii, sed comparere contempserunt, duobus excep-
tis, qui nominibus propriis comparuerunt, et ideo
non comparentes fuerunt. Et tertio per literas die
septima Junii ejusdem anni debite executas vocati et
non comparentes, in eorum contumacia excommu-
nicati, et crescente contumacia aggravati, et quam
excommunicationis sententiam in eos, ut praemitti-
tur, latam, indurato animo sustinuerunt et adhuc
sustinent, propter quod per alias vestras legitime
executas anno praedicto et die vigesima octava Junii
citati fuerunt audituri, et visuri se veluti pertinaces
haereticos relapsos brachio seculari relinqui, et eorum
bona a die commissi quaevis confiscata fuisse de-
clarari ; qui et iterum citati anno praedicto et die
quinta Julii, ac iterum vocati anno quo supra et die
sexta Septembris audituri sententiam contra eos fe-
rendam, nunquam ut obstinati comparere curave-
runt, ex quo recte et rite jure suadente damnati fu-
erunt, ex quo nunc audiendi non sunt, cum sint ex-
communicati, et interdicti, et pro talibus ac haereti-
cis pertinacibus declarati per sententias in rem judi-
catam transactas, nulla appellatione suspensas, ad-
versus quas dicere aliquid admitti posse non videtur,
nisi prius parito monitionibus, et judicatis, et Eccle-
de Valdensibus. 335
siae mandatis ac solutis expensis, super quibus dictus
Procurator, tanquam super articulo praejudiciabili,
petit jus dici et interloqui, jusque et justitiam mini-
strari, officium vestrum humiliter implorando.
Processus Inquisitoris contra Barbara Martinum,30J
ex Cod. MS. H. in Biblioth. publica Cantabr.
ANNO Domini millesimo quadringentesimo nona-
gesimo secundo, die septima mensis Augusti, apud
Ulcium venerabilis Dominus Bartholomaeus Pas-
chalis Canonicus, et Pidaneerius ac Locumtenens
venerandi Domini de Turrellis, Vicarii General is
reverendissimi in Christo Patris et Domini, Domini
Joannis Michaelis miseratione divina Episcopi Prae-
nestini, Cardinalis sancti Angeli, Administratoris et
Commendatoris inclyti monasterii Ulciensis, secum
existentibus spectabilibus et egregiisDominis Pontio
Pontii Dalphinali Consiliario, et Oroncio Erne Ju-
dice Berniensi, processit ad examinationem Fran-
cisci de Girundino, de Spoleto Barba Martino nun-
cupate, detento infra carceres Dalphinales Ulcii.
Et primo dixit, quod sunt sexdecim anni elapsi
quod Girondinus ejus pater ipsum loquentem ipsam
fidem Valdensium et haeresim docuit. Et inccepit
ipsum ducere per patrias.
Interrogatus per quas patrias et regiones eum
eduxit? dixit quod per patrias et regiones Italiae,
videlicet Januae, Bononiae, Luce, et per montem
Marchancone, et ipse ejus pater, qui erat Barba,
ibat ad confitendum et praedicandum gentes in illis
montibus.
Interrogatus cum quibus fuit, in quibus partibus,
et quos perseveravit et conversatus est ? dixit quod
ex post secundo anno ivit ad discendum dictam
doctrinam Valdensium cum viro alio Barba vocato
336 Processus Inquisitoris
Barnovo, qui erat de loco Perupage, et de dominio
de Camerino, qui duxit ipsum spacio duorum vel
trium annorum per loca supradicta.
Interrogatus cum quo ex post dictum Barnovo
sequutus est dictam doctrinam, dixit quod cum quo-
dam alio Barba nominato Josue, qui erat de loco
sancto de dominio de Camerino, prope locum de
Camerino, trium milliarium de Charretto. Dicens
308 ulterius quod postquam ivit cum dicto Josue ad con-
fitendum et praedicandum dictam sectam, et per
dicta loca quidam alius Barba, nominatus Andreas,
duxit ipsum ad eorum magnum magistrum qui vo-
catur Joannes Antonii, et qui suam residentiam facit
in loco de Cambro de dominio Papae.
Interrogatus quid sibi dixit dictus magnus ma-
gister, dixit quod in primis injunxit sibi quod fa-
ceret sacramentum sub fide ipsorum, et aliud insuper
sibi injunxit. Super omnibus quod pro aliqua re
mundi non revel aret, prorsus nee manifestaret quae
sibi dicere volebat.
Dicens sibi quod manifestare seu revelare eorum
fidem erat peccatum inexpiabile et irremissibile.
Dicens eidem, quod si vellet sectam tenere, et inse-
qui dictam sectam, faceret sibi multa bona.
Interrogatus si erant aliqui alii, dixit quod sic,
quos vocabat Barbas, et vocabatur ipse magnus
magister eorum Barba, et dicebat quod omnes tene-
bant dictam fidem, et quod tenerent secrete.
Et ulterius dicebat, magnus magister qui monebat
eos, ut servarent eorum fidem et essent salvati, et ita
praedicabat, Quod omnes qui sequerentur eorum
fidem erunt salvati ; qui vero non sequerentur ean-
dem sectam, non erunt salvati, sed erunt damnati.
Interrogatus quod est potissimum fundamentum
eorum fidei et sectae? dixit quod eorum magister
dixit, et ita reperiunt dicti Barbae eundo per mun-
dum, quod propter malam et pessimam vitam Papae,
Cardinalium, Episcoporum, et Sacerdotum, Religio-
sorum, et omnium aliorum ecclesiasticorum viro-
contra Barbam Martlnum. 337
rum, ipsi Barbae sequuntur hanc fidem, et reperierint
infinitos errores. Quia dicti Papa, Cardinales, Epi-
scopi, et ecclesiastici viri, ducunt, et omnes sequun-
tur avaritiam, luxuriam, ac superbiam et pompas,
peccatum gulae et irae ; et in hoc omnes viri ecclesi-
astici errant; et eorum hoc est potissimiim funda-
mentum, quia viri ecclesiastici male et pessime
vivunt.
Dicens ulterius, quod postquam ipsi viri ecclesi-
astici sunt in peccato mortali, non possunt ministrare
sacramenta, nee valent ea quae ipsi faciunt, quia
quando efficiuntur sacerdotes, jurant castitatem, puri-
tatem, et virginitatem, et quando committunt pec-309
cata, frangunt fidem et juramentum, et veniunt con-
tra fidem, et ex post perdunt omnimodam potesta-
tem, quia quando candela lucens mortua est, non
potest aliam vivificare.
Dicens ulterius, quod non est Papa, nee Cardinal is,
nee Episcopus, nee aliquis alius ecclesiasticus vir,
qui ut plurimum non habeat suam dominam et su-
um regascum, qui dormiunt cum ipsis.
Dicens ulterius, quod dictus ejus magnus magister
eisdem injunxit quod praedicarent et ampliarent earn
fidem, et traherent gentes quantum possint ad illam,
quia hoc faciendo lucrarentur vitam aeternam, cum
omnes de eorum fide sunt salvati, caeteri vero dam-
nati.
Dicens, quod quando eorum magnus magister ....
appellat com muni tatem : quando facit eos Barbas, et
dat potestatem, mutat eorum nomina, et quod ipse,
antequam esset Barba effectus per dictam eorum
communitatem, appellabatur Franciscus, et quando
fuit factus Barba, imposuit sibi nomen Martinus.
Dicens ulterius, quod constituuntur Barbae, et va-
cat officium Barbarum, et quando moritur aliquis
Barba, substituitur unus alius loco illius.
Interrogatus si habeant provincias, dixit quod non,
sed vadunt per mundum circumcirca.
Interrogatus quid ulterius injungebat eorum ma-
z
338 Processus Inquisitoris
gister, et quid praedicare consueverunt Barbae per
orbem, dixit quod dicebat, et ipsi praedicare consue-
verant, quod unus solus Deus est adorandus, qui cre-
avit coelum et terram, lunam, solem, et stellas, et
aquam, et quod credant solum et dumtaxat ea quae
vident.
Interrogatus quid dicebat eorum magister eisdem
Barbis de Sanctis, et quid praedicant de Sanctis, dixit
quod credunt in S. Petrum, et post ipsum in S.
Gregorium, et Sylvestrum, et in S. Joannem Evan-
gelistam ; in S. Paulum vero non credunt, quia fuit
assassinus.
Interrogatus quare melius credunt in Sanctum
Petrum quam in S. Paulum, dixit quod ex eo, quia
Deus constituit eundem S. Petrum vicarium suum, et
310dedit eidem potestatem absolvendi et ligandi, et
quod ipse S. Petrus fecit ipso vivente miracula, et
ideo credunt in ipsum inter caetera.
Interrogatus quae miracula fecit? dixit, quod quan-
do S. Petrus construi faciebat ecclesiam Sancti Petri
in Roma, Diabolus venit ad ipsum, et dixit eidem,
Ego faciam construere pulchriorem domum quam
tu in breviori tempore, dicens, quod in crastinum; et
modicum post Diabolus dixit S. Petro,Venias ad vi-
dendum domum quam feci dum .... quod quando
intrabis dictam domum quam feci, aliquo pacto non
facias signum crucis. Et eo tunc S. Petrus venit ad
visitandum dictam ecclesiam seu domum, et cum fuit
in conspectu dictae domus, quae nunc dicitur Sancta
Maria de Rotunda, cum cautela fecit signum crucis,
dicendo, et apponendo manum ad barbam, et per
istam sanctam barbam: deinde ponendo manum ad
stomachum, dicendo, Per istum sanctum fontem :
deinde ad brachia dextra et sinistra, dicendo, Per
istas spatulas, ista est domus pulchra: quo signo
crucis ut supra facto, Diabolus voluit ipsam domum
destruere ; sed Sanctus Petrus impedivit ipsum, et
adjurationem ejus fecit. Et quia dictus S. Petrus
erat in valvis ecclesiae, Diabolus non potuit exire
contra Barbam Martinum. 339
per januam, sed affigens pedes in terram, dimisit ve-
stigia, et exivit per unum foramen quod fecit in
summitate ecclesiae, et quod foramen adhuc est
nunc, nee potuit ex post reparari ; et propter
dictum miraculum, quod videtur oculariter, credunt
in S. Petrum : in aliis autem Sanctis non credunt,
quia fuerunt peccatores, et non viderunt eorum
miracula.
De Sancto autem Johanne Baptista dixit, quia
non petiit gratiam a Domino, expectatur quod in
diem judicii intercedet pro omnibus, et nescitur si
est in terra vel in ccelo, et credit quod est in para-
diso terrestri.
Dicens ulterius, quod in angelis, archangelis, che-
rubim, et seraphim credunt, quia fuerunt creati a
Deo Patre in vita aeterna.
De Virg. Maria autem dixit, quod quia solus
Deus est adorandus, non sunt certi quod Virgo Maria
audiat preces nostras, quia fuit humana creatura, et
quod Ave Maria non est oratio, sed annunciatio et
salutatio, et ideo non injungunt in pcenitentiam eis
qui sunt de eorum secta, quod dicant Ave Maria,
et quod solus Pater Noster est vera oratio, quia a31l
Deo facta fuit oratio ilia.
De purgatorio dixit, quod nullum est purgatori^
um, sed viri ecclesiastici propter avaritiam ipsorum
reperierunt ad extorquendas pecunias pro missis et
orationibus dicendis, quae de nihilo prosunt; quia
postquam homo moritur, aut est salvatus, aut est
damnatus.
De aqua benedicta dixit, quod praedicant, dicunt,
et credunt, quod omni anno de mensibus Maii, et in
die Ascensionis Domini, quod Deus benedicit ccelum,
terram, aquam, herbas, flumina, fontes, et omnes
fructus ; et quod ilia benedictio est securior quam
ilia quae fit a Presbyteris, quia non valet, nisi sint
puri et mundi ab omni peccato ; et quia quamplu-
mum Sacerdotes sunt peccatores, ut supra dixit,
et per consequens et hujusmodi rationes non cre-
z 2
340 Processus Inquisitoris
dunt in aliis sacramentis ministratis per viros ecclesi-
asticos.
Dicens ulterius, quod tantum valet orare in sta-
bulo quantum in templo, quia Deus est ubique.
De festivitatibus autem dixit, quod festa quae sunt
praecepta a Deo, prout est dies Dominicus, festum
Nativitatis Domini, festum Pascbae, Ascensionis, et
Pentecostes, sunt celebranda ; alia autem festa Vir-
ginis Mariae et sanctorum sunt festicula, et qui non
vult non tenetur ilia celebrare, quia non sunt prae-
cepta, nee vigiliae ipsarum festivitatum sunt jeju-
nandae.
De corpore Christi dicunt, quod quia viri ecclesi-
astici sunt ut supra mali, et pessimae vitae, et pecca-
tores, quod non possunt consecrare corpus Christi, et
non valet consecratio per ipsos facta ; ideo ipsi Bar-
bae, et qui sunt de eorum secta, non recipiunt Eu-
charistiam, sed loco Eucharistiae benedicunt panem,
et dicunt, quod ilia benedictio est majoris virtutis
quam dicta consecratio, ex eo quia tantum quantum
quis habet bonitatis et puritatis, tantum habet et
potestatis.
De peccato carnis autem dixit in primis, quod
eundo per mundum, et praedicando de nocte faciunt
congregationes et synagogas, in quibus in primis
praedicatio fit per ipsas Barbas, et facta praedicatione
incipiunt festa, solatia, et choreas ducere invicem
discurrendo per locum ubi sunt cum candela ac-
censa, atque quod se ad invicem teneant per manus,
312 et celebratis ipsis festis et solatiis, alter ipsorum, et
nescitur quis, suffocat lumen ; quo suffocato, quilibet
operatur, exercet corpora super peccato carnis, prout
accidit casualiter, nee ibidem habetur respectus ad
patrem, matrem, filiam, nee ad aliquod, dicens, quod
si in dicta synagoga generetur Alius, quod ille Alius
erit in futurum aptior ad exercendum officium Bar-
barum, praedicationum, et confessionum, quam ali-
quis alius, quia genitus est in dicta synagoga : cele-
brata dicta synagoga, quilibet recedit.
contra Barbam Martinum. 341
Dicens ulterius, quod ipsa synagoga fit semel in
anno in qualibet patria, et quod Barba qui est de
patria in qua fit synagoga interest in ipsa synagoga,
quia habet ibidem parentes; si autem non est de
patria, solum praedicat, et post dimittit fieri inter
ipsos eorum synagogam, ex eo quia non posset se
immiscere cum parentibus suis, et aliter non se po-
neret in dicta synagoga, nisi haberet parentes.
Extra autem synagogam dicunt, tenent, et pre-
dicant, quod peccatum luxuriae non est peccatum,
nisi de matre ad filium, et e converso ; et de com-
patre ad commatrem, et non ultra: rationem red-
dens, quia a Deo est facta prohibitio de filia ad
matrem. Nam cum Deus ascenderet ad ccelum,
dixit vulgariter et form aliter ut sequitur, Crescite
et multiplicate, et Saint Joanne garda te et done
sariti saliiti una voulta non S. toriali pie.
Interrogates quod declaret ilia verba ? dixit, quod
Deus ascendendo ccelos dixit praedicta verba, intel-
ligendo quod homo non debet reverti ad vulvam
matris unde exivit, et dicendo respicite S. Joannem
Baptistam, quia Sanctus Joannes Baptista baptisavit
Christum ; et ex praedictis per legem Divinam pro-
hibits est conjunctio de filio et de commatre; unius
autem alia carnalis copula permissa est, quia non
est prohibita a Deo, sed solum ab Ecclesia; et ideo
indifferenter cognoscunt se adinvicem, et utuntur
© . ....
dicta carnali copula, nee contradicunt sibi invicem,
quia melius est nubere quam uri.
Dicens ulterius, quod inter ipsos est honor quando
Barbae agnoscunt eorundem Valdensium et de secta
jilias.
Et ulterius, si aliquis de secta ipsorum requirat313
aliquam mulierem, non contradicunt, quia non est
peccatum, nee respiciunt parentes, nisi ut supra.
Dicens, quod habent articulum inter ipsos qui
sunt de secta, quod unus subveniat alteri, ex quo
mulieres non audent eisdem negare vel contradicere.
Super jurejurando dixit, quod nullo pacto juran-
z 3
342 Processus Inquisitoris
dum est, quod nullo modo jurant inter ipsos, nee
pro vero, nee pro falso, quia est peccatum mortale.
Dicens ulterius, quod pro quovis delicto quan-
tumcunque gravi, quis non tradendus est morti, nisi
sit homicida.
Dicens ulterius, quod quando creantur Barbae
per eorum comites et magistrum, magister convo-
cat certos alios Barbas sectae, ut supra dixit, quod
addendo ad ea quae supra deposuit; dicunt et ju-
ramentum praestant ipsi Barbae prout formaliter
sequitur, Tu talis jura supra la fide tua de man-
tenere; multiplicare et accrescere nostra lege et de
non la discoperire a persona* dal monde, et que tu
prometes de non jurare Dieu anul modo, et que
garda la domenega, et que non farai altro coisino
causa que non uvelho que sie fato a te, et que tu
credie en Dieu, que a fat el sol et la luna, ccelum
et terrain, cherubim et seraphim et aquel que tu
vedes: et praestito dicto juramento, magnus magister
dat eidem Barbae, sic fato, ad bibendum modicum
vini; extunc mutat sibi nomen, dicendo, Desi en la
la te chamaras tal; et quod ipse loquens prius voca-
batur Franciscus, et nunc vocatur Martinus inter
ipsos, et quod ilia solemnitas habetur loco baptismi.
Dicens ulterius, quod quando ipsi Barbae audiunt
confessiones a gentibus de eorum secta secretam,
nee confiteantur Sacerdotibus, nee recipiant Eu-
charistiam nisi ficte et simulate, injungunt eis quod
dictam sectam teneant.
Dicens ulterius, quod postquam exercuit offi-
cium Barbarum dictae sectae per Italiam spatio sex
annorum vel circa, quod a duobus annis citra trans-
ivit per montes pergendo versus provinciam Pro-
vincial et regnum Franciae, et prima vice cum
quodam alio Barba vocato Antonio de Pilhocalia de
Spoleto, et anno elapso ipsi duo venerunt et trans-
314 iverunt per montem Cinescium, et venerunt ad reg-
num Franciae, et fuerunt in provinciis Borbonii et
de Rodes, Forest Alvernii, de Marca usque ad pa-
contra Barbam Martinum. 343
triam de Bordelleis, et in dictis provinciis prsedi-
caverunt eorum sectam, et confessi fuerunt quod
plures in dictis provinciis de dicta eorum secta ad
dictam sectam traxerunt quantum potuerunt.
Dicens ulterius, quod reperierunt se quidem alii
Barbae in loco de Lymogiis, unde Colla de Joanne
Baptista, de Thomasso, Paulo de Mala Carne, Bar-
tholomeo de Mocarello, Bastiano Luce, omnes de
patria Spolitana, qui docuerunt ipsum loquentem, et
ejus socium, et alios de eorum secta; et docuerunt eos
loca ad quee possent accedere, et ibidem preedicare,
et quod extunc juverunt ad preedicandum ad dictas
patrias et regiones, ut supra.
Interrogatus quomodo nominantur omnes tenentes
eorum sectam, dixit, quod de ultra montes in regno
Francise appellantur Pauperes de Lugduno, de citra
vero montes in patria Italise appellantur Pauperes
Mundi; isto vero anno venit cum Andrea etiam ejus
sociusBarba, etveneruntper patriam Januae; deinde
per Niciam et ad civitaten Aquensem ; deinde ad pa-
triam deVivaresio,ubi repererunt aliquos de ista secta.
Ibidem in montibus Albenacii et de Privacio, ex
post versus Alverniam apud Clarum montem, unde
ad montem de Monte aureo ; in quo monte sunt
plures de dicta secta, et ibidem multi reperiuntur,
et ibidem maxime augmentatur propter malam vi-
tam quam tenent ecclesiastici viri.
Item ulterius dixit, quod ista secta crescit et pul-
lulat in locis de Heretable de Stabulo, in Crapona et
Sineria in eadem regione Alvergniae, et etiam in
patria Foresii, in montibus de Furniis, in Foretio, et
de Sancto Saforino; deinde venit ad patriam Bel-
vosii, in qua etiam viget dicta secta ; unde in locis
seu montibus prope villam Belli Joci et prope vil-
lain Francam, et de loco Belli Joci venerunt Lug-
dunum; et cum fuerunt in civitate Lugduni, ubi
die ultima Maii proxime fluxi, hospitati fuerunt re-
tro Sanctum Nicesium in dicto loco signi forpicum,
et se repererunt ibidem ex deliberatione inter eos
z 4
344 Processus Inquisitoris
facta octo Barbae, unde alii sex cum ipsis duobus
315 vocantur Pascalis de Pasco, Jacobus de Laro, Petrus
Matthei de Capriano, Hucho de Andrea, Pasturius
de Jaco, et cum supradicto, Petrus de Jaco, qui
prsesentialiter detinetur cum dicto loquente, qui
omnes octo sunt de patria Spolitana, et ibidem adin-
vicem congregati habuerunt conferentiam de gestis
et gerendis per ipsos, recitantes loca unde veniebant
et quo ibant.
Interrogatus, quis ipsorum sex reddebat rationem
de patria Delphinatus? dixit quod Paschalis et Pas-
tuchinus, et dicebant, quod fuerant in Dalphinatu,
et reperierunt multos in patria Valentiniensium in
montibus de secta Valdensium ; et fuerunt etiam
in patria Ebredunensi et Vapincensi, ubi etiam re-
periebant multos qui fuerant banniti ab eorum pa-
tria, et ejecti ab eorum domibus, et propter maximas
tribulationes quas habuerunt aliqui ex eis, dicebant
quod volebant tenere bonam fidem : alii vero dicebant
quod credebant habere remedium, et quod volebant
habere et tenere eorum sectam.
Dicens ulterius, quod cum ipse et alius Andreas
Barba ejus socius, de mense Martii proxime fluxo
transirent per Provinciam veniendo ab eorum domi-
bus, in ipsa patria Provinciae et prope civitatem
Aquensem reperierunt tres qui dicebant quod erant
de Dalphinatu, qui tres agnoverunt ipsos Barbas in
habitibus eorum, videlicet in mantellis, et habuerunt
invicem verba de dicta eorum secta; et ipsi tres
homines dixerunt, quod erant banniti, et expecta-
bant habere gratiam et restitui in eorum bonis et
patria, et continuare in eorum proposito primo.
Item dixit, quod ipse Paschalis et Pastuchinus qui
fuerunt in Dalphinatu, dicebant, quod quantum po-
tuerunt conati fuerunt consolari ipsos bannitos et
expulsos a Dalphinatu, sed causante dura et nimia
persecutione compatiebantur vecordes et remissi;
alii autem erant malae voluntatis redeundi, sperantes
habere gratiam.
contra Barbam.Martinum. 345
Dicens ulterius, quod praenominati duo -Barbae
dicebant, quod habebant magnos persecutors, et
ipsos in patria Delphinatus, viz. Reverend. Domi-
num Archiepiscopum Ebredunensem, et Dominum
Poncium Poncii Consiliarium, et Dominum Oron-3l6
cium Erne Judicem gran, quern Dominum Poncium
comminabantur ; quod si ipsum reperirent, facerent
sibi ex fato suo.
Dicens ulterius, quod ipsi octo Barbae disces-
serunt omnes a civitate Lugduni, et ipse loquens
mutavit socium, quia loco dicti Andreae Barbae, ce-
pit dictum Barbam Petrum praesentialiter detentum ;
alii vero Barbae discesserunt, et retrocesserunt ad
eorum patriam ex deliberatione inter eos facta, ut
dicebant.
Dictus autem Petrus Barba, ejus novus socius et
ipse loquens reversi sunt ad Dominam nostram de
Podio, ut supra dixit, et ad alia loca Alvergniae,
Foresii, Belli Joci, tendendo ad civitatem d'Autun
in Burgundia, in qua duo, et in quadam valle, in
qua est quoddam proximum flumen, quod discurrit
a flumine de Lera; in qua valle sunt aliqui de dicta
secta, et ex post venerunt per patriam Belli Joci,
unde prope villam dicti Belli Joci et Villae Francae,
ubi etiam de eorum secta consortes multi sunt et
ibidem morantur, et exinde redierunt Lugdunum ad
praedictum hospitium, et ex post arripuerunt viam
apud Bressam et ad Sanctum Glaudium, et in Sancto
Glaudio, et in quibusdam montibus citra et ultra;
ubi sunt plures de eorum secta. Quilibet praedicant
et eos de confessione audiunt, et exinde recesserunt
et iverunt Gebennas et Niciacum, et a Niciaco ad
locum Aquae Bellae; de Aqua Bella ad Cameram,
et ibidem prope Cameram aliquos paucos comperi-
erunt de eorum secta ; deinde venerunt ad montem
de Valono, Neuachiam et Bardonenchiam ; et de
Bardonenchia ad locum Ulcii : et inde Juvencellori
et Salicis Ulcii usque prope collem Costae Planas,
transeuntes apud Pratum Jalatum, in quo montc
346 Processus Inquisltorls, 8$c.
fuerunt capti et reversi, ducti, ultra reducti ad villam
Ulcii per Officiarios Dalphinales Ulcii, ut apparet
in processu super hoc facto.
Interrogatus, si sciebat quod in valle Prati Jallati
erant aliqui de eorum secta? dixit, quod sic voce et
fama referentibus, et quod si dicti de Prato Jalato
voluissent confiteri eis, audivissent eos, et quod ilia
spe transiverant per dictum locum animo exercendi
eorum officium et ad consolandum dictos Valdenses
ibidem commorantes.
Interrogatus, quando audivit aliquos de confes-
sione quomodo consueverunt ipsos absolvere? dixit
et respondet, quod non faciunt more Sacerdotum,
sed dicunt eis quod teneant eorum sectam firmam ;
et insuper injungunt eisdem quod dicent aliquibus
vicibus Pater noster pro pcenitentia, non autem
Ave Maria, neque permittunt peregrinationes Ita-
lian, elemosynas ex amore Dei.
317 Interrogatus, si inter ipsos Barbas de ista secta
fecerunt deliberationem de se reperiendo in aliquo
loco? dixit, quod duo alii, videlicet Joannes de Cris-
tophoro etLiberatus de Coqueto,se debebant reperire
cum ipsis duobus, videlicet, ipso loquente et ejus
socio, in loco de Tortona in Lombardia.
Interrogatus, ubi habuit colloquium cum ipsis
duobus proxime nominatis, Joanne Cristophoro et
Liberato de Coqueto ? dixit, quod ipsi una cum ipso
Petro ejus socio ibidem detentis.
Interrogatus, quando audit aliquos de confessione
de ipsa secta, de quibus peccatis ut plurimum confi-
tentur? dixit, quod quando cohabitat films cum ma-
tre, et pater cum filia, et cum commatre et com-
patre, extra tamen synagogam, et quod multi confi-
tentur perseverare in dictis peccatis, et cohabitare
cum ipsis.
Dicens ulterius, quod confitentur de septem pec-
catis mortalibus, et non de aliis peccatis.
[347 ]
Sumptum ex ore Peyronetta. 318
JlSTA Peyronetta citata venit, et tamen medio ju-
ramento, omnia negavit, tamen jussa mitti in car-
cerem, et missa, omnia sponte confessa est; videlicet,
quod a viginti quinque annis eos vidit et cognovit,
eorum praedicationes audivit, de non jurando per
Deum, de festis aliquibus non colendis, de non po-
testate Sacerdotum, et saepe de purgatorio, et vanum
orare pro mortuis, de aqua benedicta, de dando po-
tius elemosynas pauperibus quam in ecclesia offe-
rendo, de Sanctis quod non habeant potestatem nos
juvandi, de Romipetagiis, de jejunio, et unde ortum
habuerit secta, et quomodo oblationes desinunt fa-
cere, quomodo vidit eos novem aut decern vicibus,
et quatuor vicibus eisdem confessa est peccata sua,
nee unquam confessa est Curato suo, eis credidit et
fidem dedit, misericordiam petiit, et repetita fuit.
Processus Inquisitionis contra Peyronettam, ex
codice H. Waldensium in public. Biblioth. Can-
tabrig.
INQUISITIONALIS processus factus et formatus
coram egregiis et circumspectis viris Dominis An-
tonio Fabri, Decretorum Doctore, Canonico Ebre-
dunensi, haereticseque pravitatis in toto Dalphinatu,
et comitatibus Viennensis, Valentinensis, et Diensis,
Generali Inquisitore, a sancta sede apostolica spe-
cialiter et immediate deputato, et Christoiforo de
Salhiente etiam Decretorum Doctore, Canonico, Vi-
cario, et Officiali Valentiae.
Ad instantiam et prosecutionem honorandi viri
Domini Valentini de Razeriis, Jurium Professoris,
348 Processus Inquisitionis
Procuratorisque Fiscalis Valentiae, et in hac parte
promotoris in favorem sanctae fidei Catholicae, ejus-
que Officii Inquisitionis Deputati.
Contra et adversus Peyronettam rehctam Petri
Beraudi, alias Fornerii, loci Belli Respectus, Valen-
tinensis dicecesis, aetatis suae quinquaginta annorum
vel circa, de nefandissima haeresi Valdensium, seu
319Pauperum de Lugduno, quae in his partibus vulgo
nuncupatur Chagmardorum secta, inculpatam et
diffamatam.
In nomine sanctae et individual Trinitatis. Ex
serie atque tenore hujusmodi veri publici inquisi-
tionalis, omnibus et singulis et Christi fidelibus tarn
praesentibus quam inde futuris luculenter innotescat,
et in perpetuam redigatur memoriam. Ex anno
nativitatis Domini millesimo quatercentesimo no-
nagesimo quarto, et die Mercurii quae fuit, et intitu-
lata extitit vigesima nona mensis Januarii, apud lo-
cum Belli Respectus, et in domo probi viri Glaudii
sua hospitis ipsius loci, et in camera nova ipsius
domus, coramque egregio et circumspecto viro Do-
mino Antonio Fabri, Decretorum Doctore, Canonico
Ebredunensi, Inquisitore sanctae fidei Catholicae, au-
thoritate apostolica deputato, cum assistentia mei
Vincencii Gobaudi notarii, et in hac parte conscribae,
de cujus quidem Domini Inquisitoris potestate con-
stat, literis apostolicis in forma brevi inferius loco et
ordine insertis.
Comparuit ibidem praedicta Peyronetta, relicta
Petri Beraudi, alias Fornerii, Belli Respectus, Valen-
ciensis dicecesis, quae de mandato et authoritate
ejusdem Domini Inquisitoris praecedentibus debitis
informationibus contra earn ad causam haeresis pau-
perum de Lugduno, sive Valdensium quae in his
partibus vulgo nuncupatur Chagmardorum secta,
quae inculpata et diffamata existit, sumptis atque
receptis factisque monitionibus generalibus contra
quoscunque dicta labe infectos in parochia dicti loci
contra Peyronettam. 349
executis, personaliter citata extitit ad respondendum
de fide Catholica, necnon de his quibus est inculpata
ad causam haeresis praedictae, et ibidem per memo-
ratum Dominum Inquisitorem, suo medio juramento
ad sancta Dei Evangelia praestito, et ad pcenam per-
jurii,et criminis sibi impositi, habendi pro integraliter
confessato ac excommunicationis et viginti quinque
ducatorum auri, de veritate dicenda super his quibus
interrogabitur, examinata et interrogata; quae qui-
dem Peyronetta prsedicta volens, ut dixit, mandatis
et praeceptis justitiae obtemperare atque parere, pa-
ratam se obtulit omnem quam super his quibus in-
terrogabitur siverit veritatem dicere et deponere, et
licet sit fcemina simplex et ignara ac ingenio grossa,320
tamen dixit vixisse toto tempore vitae suae ad instar
et modum fidelium Christianorum, et secundum
sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae traditionem, adeo quod
non prastendit unquam a vera fide Catholica deviasse
nee aberrasse, nee per ea quaeque dicet deviare seu
aberrare intendit, de quo fuit solemniter protestata.
Et praelibatus Dominus Inquisitor, non obstanti-
bus excusationibus supra per dictam Peyronettam
deductis et allegatis, ex sui officii incumbentia, etiam
propter notoriam diffamationem dictae Peyronettae,
prout latius ex tenore dictarum secretarum informa-
tionum colligitur, ideo ipsam duxit examinandam et
interrogandam per modum infra scriptum.
Et primo fuit praenominata Peyronetta in hac
parte delata per praelibatum Dominum Inquisitorem
interrogata et examinata qua de causa seu ad quid
venit ? dicta Peyronetta coram eodem Domino In-
quisitore dixit et respondit quod, ex eo quia fuit ci-
tata, et advocata personaliter coram eodem Domino
Inquisitore comparitura pro respondendo de fide Ca-
tholica, aut se excusando super inquisitione haeresis
sectae Valdensium, seu alias Chagmardorum nuncu-
pates, contra earn ut asseritur formata.
Interrogata quid est dicta haeresis sive secta Val-
350 Processus Inquisitionis
densium, alias C hagm ardor um ? dixit et respondit
nescire, neque scire velle quid sit.
Interrogata an ullo unquam tempore viderit seu
cognoverit nonnullos dictse haeresis sive sectae ma-
gistros seu praedicatores qui discurrere solent per
rura et loca campestria eundo de domo ad domum,
faciendo praedicationes clandestinas? dixit et respon-
dit quod non, nee scit quinam dicantur dicti praedi-
catores.
321 Interrogata an ullo unquam tempore audiverit
aliquas pnedicationes sive documenta ab aliquibus
hominibus secrete praedicantibus, praesertim horis
nocturnis? dixit et respondit quod non.
Interrogata si sciat se esse de secta quae vulgo
nuncupatur Chagmardorum diffamatam et inculpa-
tam? dixit et respondit quod non, nee posse super
hoc caput credi, inculpari seu diffamari legitimo ti-
tulo aut ratione aliqua.
Interrogata an unquam fuerit requisita aut insti-
gata per quospiam de tenendo sectam ipsam, aut
aliam quamcunque? dixit et respondit quod non.
Interrogata an sciat aliquos de loco praedicto Belli
Respectus fore et esse de secta praedicta Chagmar-
dorum ? dixit et respondit quod non.
Interrogata an ipsa Peyronetta sit de secta prae-
dicta Chagmardorum, aut alias unquam ipsam sec-
tam tenuerit, sive in eadem instructa fuerit? dixit et
respondit, quod non est, nee unquam fuit de secta
ipsa, nee esse, nee fuisse vult.
Interrogata an velit stare depositionibus testium
fide dignorum ubi dicant earn esse de dicta secta?
dixit et respondit quod ita, dum tamen non sint sibi
suspecti aut inimici.
Interrogata an habeat aliquos inimicos de quibus
dubitare posset aliquid contra earn dicere velle con-
tra veritatem? respondit se nescire.
Amplius non fuit interrogata nee examinata; sed
audita ipsius Peyronettae responsione per praedictum
contra Peyronettam. 351
Dominum Inquisitorem, quia secundum mentem et
tenorem informationum contra eandem ad causam
haeresis praedictae sumptarum, eidem Domino In-
quisitori visum fuit ipsam Peyronettam nimis suffi-
cienter super praemissis respondisse, veritatemque
nullatenus dixisse: ideo volens latius cum ea in-
quirere, ordinavit ipsam duci apud carceres episco-
pales Valentiae, et ibidem tute custodiri et detineri
donee sufficientius de his quibus ex tenore dictarum
informationum reperitur culpabilis, respondent.
Demum vero anno quo supra, et die Veneris quae
fuit, et intitulata extitit ultima mensis Januarii, apud
Valentiam, et palatio episcopal i ejusdern, videlicet
in camera residential praelibati Domini Inquisitoris,
ac coram eodem existens et personaliter constituta
praenominata Peyronetta mandato ejusdern Domini
Inquisitoris infra carceres episcopales detenta, qua?,
ut dixit, attendens et considerans exhortationes sibi
novissime factas de dicendo veritatem super interro-
gators tangentibus sectam praedictam, promittendo
sibi gratiam et misericordiam si id faceret, ideo me-
liori et salubriori uti volens consilio,non obstantibus
perjuriis, et aliis variationibus per earn superius in 322
respondendo commissis, confidendo ad plenum de
benignitate ipsius Domini Inquisitoris, paratam se
obtulit omnem veritatem quam super mentis ipsius
sectae sciverit dicere et sponte confiteri, ac suam
exonerare conscientiam, rogando sibi indulgeri et
parceri ratione perjurii et de vacillationibus praedic-
tis, et inde suam depositionem sive confessionem
benigniter admitti, erroresque suos, si quos habeat,
caritative et gratiose corrigi, submittendo se miseri-^
cordiae et ordinationi sanctae matris Ecclesiae.
Et praelibatus Dominus Inquisitor, recepto ab ipsa
Peyronetta corporali juramento de veritate dicenda
praestito, impositaque sibi poena perjurii et rigorosae
sibi ferendae justitiae, casu quo quidquam de ipsa
veritate maliciose occultaverit, ad ipsius examen pro-
cessit, in hunc qui sequitur modum infrascriptum.
352 Processus Inquisitionis
In primis enim dixit et sponte confessa est, quod
dudurn sunt viginti quinque anni elapsi, vel circa,
quibus venerunt ad domum quondam Petri Fornerii
sui mariti duo homines extranei, induti vestibus
grisei colons, qui, ut sibi visum fuit, loquebantur
lingua Italica, sive Lumbardica, quos praedictus ejus
maritus receperat in dicta sua domo, amore Dei:
tandem ipsis ibidem existentibus hora nocturna, post
ccenam unus ipsorum legere ccepit unum parvum
librum quern secum deferebat, dicendo in eodem
descripta fuisse Evangelia, et praecepta legis, quae
ibidem dicebat se explicare et declarare velle in prae-
sentia omnium ibidem circumstantium, quia dicebat
se fore missum ex parte Dei ad reformandam fidem
Catholicam, cundo per mundum ad instar Aposto-
lorum pro praedicando bonis et simplicibus gentibus
de modo et forma serviendi Deo, et vivendi secun-
dum ejus mandata.
Et inter caetera dicebant quod nemo alteri facere
debet id quod sibi fieri nollet.
Item quod solus Deus erat colendus et adorandus,
et deprecandus, quia ipse solus est qui nos potest
juvare.
Item quod jurare pro quavis occasione vel causa
Deum, pro vero vel mendacio, aut aliud quodcunque
facere juramentum ubi poneretur ista locutio per,
erat magnum peccatum.
323 Item quod sacramentum matrimonii debebat fide-
liter et firmiter custodiri.
Item quod bona opera quae fiunt ante mortem
hominis plus prosunt, quam omnia quae fiunt post
mortem.
Item quod sancti et sanctae non erant deprecandi
in nostrum auxilium, quia non poterant nos in ali-
quo juvare nisi solus Deus.
Item quod dies Dominicales super omnia alia
festa debebant solenniter coli, alia vero festa dice-
bant fuisse per Ecclesiam inventa, quae non erant de
necessitate colenda; imo poterat aliquis operari in
contra Peyronettam. 353
ipsis, exceptis festivitatibus Apostolorum, et aliis ma-
joribus quas non exprimebant.
Item quod viri ecclesiastici nimias habebant et
possidebant divitias atque bona ultra quam oportebat,
ob quod multa mala faciebant, quorum aliqui, cau-
santibus eorum superfluitatibus et bonorum abun-
dantiis, erant fceneratores, usurarii, superbi, et ava-
ritia pleni ; alii vero nimis lubriciter et inhoneste
vivebant, tenendo meretrices in domibus suis palam
et publice, sic malum exemplum ostendendo in
populo.
Item quod praedicti Sacerdotes, eorum causante
mala vita, non habebant majorem potestatem absol-
vendi quam habebant ipsi praedicatores, sive hujus
sectae magistri, imo ipsi magistri sive praedicatores,
licet essent laici, habebant tantam potestatem quan-
tam ipsi Sacerdotes.
Item quod summus Pontifex ex quo non observa-
bat sanctitatem quam debebat observare, non ha-
bebat aliquam potestatem, dicendo de eodem in
haec verba, Autant crois et autant malvais est le
Pope comme nengun autre, et per se non sages de
puissance.
Item quod in alio mundo nullum erat purgatorium,
dicendo, quod quando quis moritur, ejus anima tendit
ad paradisum illico et incontinenter, dummodo bene
et juste vixerit; si vero male, ad infernum.
Item et subsequenter quod frustra fiebant depre-
cationes, cantaria et alia suffragia pro animabus de-
functorum ; nihilque valebat id quod faciebant Sacer-
dotes eundo per coemiterium, aspergendo aquam be-
nedictam supra sepulturas mortuorum, dicendo, Kirie
Eleyson, Christe Eleyson, &c.
Item quod Deus in initio mundi omnes aquas 3 24
benedixerat, et omnia alia quae fecerat, propter quod
non erat necesse iterato aquam benedicere per Sacer-
dotes, quae etiam nihil plus valebat quam alia aqua.
Item quod praenominati Sacerdotes ex semetipsis
invenerant seu reperierant, quod in alio mundo erat
a a
354 Pi'ocessus Inquisitioms
purgatorium, ad effectus ut faciendo cantaria et depre-
cationes pro defunctis, majora sibi acquirant bona, ex
quibus eomm malam vitam sustinerent.
Item quod melius et magis meritorium erat dare
elemosynam alicui pauperi infirmo aut leproso, quam
offerre in ecclesia Sacerdotibus praedictis, qui erant
nimis abundantes bonis.
Item quod ita bonum et utile erat orareDeum in do-
mo aut ahbi, sicut in ecclesia, quia Deusubique est.
Item quod sancti nee sanctae, quamvis propter
eorum bene merita essent in paradiso collocati, non
habebant potestatem nos in aliquo juvandi, et ideo
non debebant deprecari in nostrum auxilium.
Item quod in vanum erat recurrere ad imagines
sanctorum et sanctarum, orando coram ipsis, quia
nullam habebant virtutem, cum non essent nisi res
materiales et picturae factae in parietibus.
Item propterea nihil prodesse poterat facere pere-
grinationes et Romipetagia ad orandum coram ima-
ginibus sanctorum et sanctarum, cum nihil possint
in nostrum auxilium, ut praedictum est.
Item quod non erat necesse jejunare aliquas alias
vigilias quam festivitatum Paschae, Pentecostes, Na-
tivitatis et aliarum magnarum festivitatum Domi-
nicalium, et potissime diebus Veneris erat etiam
jejunandum.
Item quod ipsi praedicatores sive magistri hujus-
modi sectae, et Sacerdotes seu viri ecclesiastici olim
solebant esse unius et ejusdem legis et ordinis, sed
cum ipsi viri ecclesiastici voluerunt insequi avaritiam
et vanitates hujus mundi, et ipsi praedicatores in ipsa
paupeftate manere voluerunt; ideo fuit facta inter
eos divisio, et effecti fuerant inimici, adeoque cum
numerus ipsorum praedicatorum et aliorum homi-
num justorum hujusmodi sectam tenuerint, adhuc
325 esset parvus atque rarus, ideo eis erat necesse ince-
dere occulte, sicut faciebant Christus et ejus Apo-
stoli; quia nisi ipsi praedicatores ambularent caute et
secrete, dubitabant ab aliis offendi et male tractari.
contra Peyronettam. 355
Interrogata de nominibus ipsorum hominum sive
praedicatorum taliapraedicantium? dixit et respondit
nescivisse eorum nomina.
Interrogata an propter ea quae dicebant, non esse
orandum pro defunctis, distulerit et obmiserit por-
tare oblationes seu offerre in ecclesia pro ipsis de-
functis? dixit et respondit quod multoties fecit obla-
tiones in ecclesia, quas non fecisset nisi dubitasset
quod aliqui male praesumpsissent de ea, et quod sibi
improperaretur quod esset Chagnarda.
Interrogata quis dedit sibi notitiam dictorum prae-
dicatorum sive magistrorum, seu alias quomodo in-
troducta fuit ad conversandum cum eis? dixit et
deposuit verum esse quod olim ipsa loquente exi-
stente cum Telmono Paschalis, quodam dicti loci
Belli Respectus, quadam die de qua non recolit, et
ipsis adinvicem de multis rebus conferentibus, de-
scenderunt in propositum de modo vivendi secun-
dum mandata Dei, et inter caetera alia verba inter
eos tunc habita, praenominatus Telmonus Paschalis
dixit sibi loquenti haec verba vel eis similia, videli-
cet, Aves nous james auvi parler dung plen pung
de rnond, que si non era, tout le monde saria a Jin:
quae quidem loquens sibi respondit quod ita, vide-
licet cuidam domino Andreae de loco Pigesoni,
Capellano, olim Vicario ipsius loci Belli Respectus,
qui quadam die Ramis Palmarum, praedicando in
ipso loco Belli Respectus dicebat similia verba, vi-
delicet, Ces ung plen pung de gent que sosten tot le
mond, et si aquello gent non era, tot le monde saria
a Jin; quo tunc praenominatus Telmonus Paschalis
replicavit in haec verba, Et daquelles gens vos parle
yeu; dicendo sibi quod si contingeret ipsas gentes
venire ad ejus domum, quod audacter loqueretur
cum eis, et eorum documenta auscultaret, cum exinde
melius se haberet; tamen dixit quod dictus Telmo-
nus dubitabat ipsam, ne alicui praemissa panderet
seu detegeret, ut moris est mulierum superflue loqui,
ideo sibi fecit fieri juramentum super literis de non
Aa 2
356 Processus Inquisitionis
dicendo aut manifestando alicui quidquam de prae-
326 missis, prout et ipsa loquens fecit, et ex post ipsa
loquens fuit inclinata et affecta videre dictas gentes
prout fecit ut supra.
Interrogata si viderit dictos magistros sive praedi-
catores, de quibus superius ultra vicem prasdictam?
dixit et respondit quod a supradicto tempore viginti
quinque annorum citra, vidit diversis vicious, dequa-
rum numero dixit se non posse bene recordari; ta-
men existimatione sua credit eos vidisse in universo
novem aut decern vicibus, inclusa prima vice supe-
rius declarata.
Interrogata an qualibet vice qua eos vidit, audive-
rit similia documenta, modo et forma quibus superius
declaravit? dixit et respondit quod ita.
Item, de dictis novem vel decern vicibus quibus
dictos magistros praedicantes vidit et audivit? dixit
dicta loquens quod fuit aliquoties in domo praeno-
minati Telmoni Paschalis et Guillielmi Paschalis,
ubi ipsi praedicatores fueruntet fecerunt eorum prae-
dicationes modo praemisso, praesentibus omnibus
illis de eadem domo, videlicet dicto Telmono et
Guillielmo Pascbalis; de nominibus autem aliorum
praesentium dixit se non recordari.
Item, similiter dixit eos vidisse in domo Petri
Garnerii ejusdem loci certis vicibus, de quibus nee
de tempore non potest recordari, ubi etiam fuerint
facta? praedicationes praedictae, praesentibus eodem
Petro Garnerii et aliis de eadem domo, quorum no-
mina ignorat.
Interrogata si aliqui alii circumvicini interfuerint
in praedictis praedicationibus factis in domibus eorum
Paschalorum et Petri Garnerii ? dixit quod non,
quantum sibi potest recordari.
Interrogata an sciat quantis vicibus dicti praedi-
catores fuerunt in domo sua sive sui quondam ma-
riti ? dixit et respondit juxta aestimationem suam,
quod fuerunt in dicta ejus domo quatuor aut quinque
vicibus, et ibidem praedicationes assuetas fecerunt.
contra Peyronettam. 357
Interrogata qui sunt illi qui erant praesentes et au-
dientes in dictis praedicationibus factis in domo prae-
dicta? dixit et respondit quod Petrus Beraudi alias
Fornerii ejusdem loquentisque maritus dum vivebat;
necnon aliquoties ibidem veniebant Joannes Pro-327
dome, et aliquando Telmonus Paschalis quidam, et
Guillielmus Paschalis ac Petrus Garnerii, seu eorum
alter alternatis vicibus, et aliquoties duo vel tres eo-
rundem simul.
Interrogata si unquam eonfessa fuerit peccata sua
alicui ex dictis praedicatoribus sive magistris? dixit
et respondit quod singulis vicibus quibus ipsi praedi-
catores fuerunt in domo sui quondam mariti, ipsa
eonfessa est peccata sua alteri ex eis genibus flexis,
ac si fuisset coram suo proprio Sacerdote, et inde,
facta confessione, ipsam absolvebat, manum ad ca-
put imponendo more Sacerdotum.
Interrogata quam pcenitentiam sibi imponebant
praedicti praedicatores sive magistri pro peccatis con-
fessatis? dixit et respondit quod diceret frequenter
Pater noster, et hoc tantum quantum possem, et
quod jejunaret aliquibus diebus Veneris, et faceret
aliquas elemosynas secundum suam facultatem.
Interrogata quot vicibus eonfessa est dictis praedi-
catoribus? dixit quod tantis vicibus quawtis fuerunt
in dicta eorum domo, videlicet quatuor aut quinque
vicibus, prout supradictum est.
Interrogata an eonfessa fuerit Capellano suo vidisse
et cognovisse praedictos magistros sive praedicatores,
eorumque praedicationes audivisse? dixit et respondit
quod non, quia non credebat male agere.
Interrogata si crediderit seu alias dederit fidem
supradictis praedicatoribus sive magistris et eorum
documentis et doctrinaer dixit et sponte eonfessa est
quod tanquam mulier insipiens et innocens et facilis
ad decipiendum, credidit et dedit fidem eisdem prae-
dicatoribus et eorum doctrinis sive documentis, cre-
dendo beneet salubriter agere; nee putabat propterea
errare in aliquo. Veruntamen ubi videatur aut cognos-
a a 3
358 Processus Inquisitionis
catur ipsam in aliquo aberrasse, se submisit benig-
nae correctioni sanctae matris Ecclesiae et eorundem
dominorum Inquisitoris sive OfficialisJ/%petendo de
omnibus in quibus potuit hactenus in praemissis er-
rare, veniam et misericordiam sibi irnpertiri.
Memoratus enim Dominus Inquisitor, audita con-
fessione praedictae Peironettae, volens super eadem de-
liberare, necnon cum eadem latius inquirere super
328 praemissis, terminum statuitet assignavit eidem Pei-
ronettae ad latius deponendum et declarandum super
praemissis et aliis audiendis, deliberatione ejusdem
Domini Inquisitoris hinc ad diem cfastinam circa
horam meridiei: et iterum ordinavit earn stare sub
praedicta carcerum custodia.
Crastina autem die supra novissime per praeliba-
tum Dominum Inquisitorem pro termino in causa
hujusmodi assignata, quae fuit intitulata Sabbati,
prima mensis Februarii in camera superius men-
tionata, et coram praememorato Domino Inquisitore
venit et comparuit supranominata Peironetta ibidem
per carcerarium episcopalem de mandato praefati
Domini Inquisitoris ad actum hujusmodi a carceri-
bus ipsis educta, petens et humiliter requirens se a
dictis carceribus relaxari, paratam se offerendo facere
quae debebit, necnon latius respondere super omnibus
quibus interrogabitur: et Dominus Inquisitor praefa-
tus visa ipsius loquentis superius facta confessione, ad
majorem veritatis corroborantiain duxit eandem su-
per eadem et omnibus in ca contentis examinandam
et repetendam, vigore juramenti per earn supra prae-
stiti, ac sub poena qua supra. Quae quidem Peiro-
netta delata, audito tenore jam dictae suae confessionis
sibi per me notarium infra scriptum de verbo ad ver-
bum in vulgari sermone recitatis et declaratis, ac per
earn, ut dixit, integraliter intellectis, dixit, deposuit,
et sponte confessa est ea omnia et singula in jam
dicta ipsius depositione et confessione, singula sin-
gulis, contenta et descripta fore et esse vera et veri-
tati consona, eisque tanquam recte et legitime dictis
contra Peyronettam. 359
et confessatis, persistit, pro quibus omnibus et singu-
lis se submisit misericordiae sanctae matris Ecclesiae
etjam dictorum dominorum Inquisitoris et Officialis,
petendo et requirendo se a carceribus quibus pro
praemissis detinetur relaxari: et praeterea addendo
praedictae suae confessioni dixit audivisse a suprafatis
praedicatoribus sive magistris praedicantibus, quod Sa-
cerdotes recipientes pecunias pro missis celebrandis
comparabantur Judae qui vendidit Christum propter
pecuniam: et ill i qui dabantipsas pecunias dictis Sa-
cerdotibus occasione ipsarum missarum, compara-
bantur Judaeis qui Christum emerunt pecuniis.
Item, addendo dixit et confessa est, quod praedicti329
praedicatores dum recedebant a domo sua aliquoties
dabant sibi certam quantitatem acuum sive d'aiguil-
les, et ejus quondam maritus dum vivebat dabat eis
pecunias pro poena ipsorum.
Interrogata quantum dabat eis dictus ejus quon-
dam maritus pro dicta eorum poena, dixit nescire,
quia non vidit numerari.
Interrogata qui sunt illi de dicta ejus domo qui
dictos homines sive praedicatores viderunt, et audive-
runt eorum praedicationes? dixit quod Francisca ejus-
dem loquentis filia et Simeon Acto maritus ipsius
Franciscae.
Interrogata si fuerit unquam in loco de Bareillonia
ubi dictos magistros praedicatores audiverit praedi-
cantes? dixit et respondit verum esse, et sibi recor-
dari quod olim sunt decern anni elapsi vel circa qui-
bus Petr us Fornerii ejus quondam vir ac ipsaloquens
accesserunt apud dictum locum Bareilloniae ad visi-
tandum Fabrentes ipsius loci, quia erant et adhuc
sunt affines ejus, et visitando steterunt ibidem uno
vel duobus dicbus, quo interim ipsa loquens et prae-
dictus ejus maritus quondam, quodam vespere ive-
runt de domo Joannis Fabri ubi erant hospitati, ad
domum Moneti Fabri, fratris ipsius Joannis, pro eun-
dem Monetum visitando, tandem dum intrassent do-
mum ipsius Moneti reperierunt ibidem duos ex prae-
36*0 Processus Inquisitionis
dicatoribus sive magistris praedictis, qui ibidem prae-
sente dicto Moneto et ejus familia praedicabant: et
videns dictus Monetus ipsam loquentem et ejus vi-
rum ibidem ex incogitato intrasse et advenisse, fuit
valde tristatus atque iratus de adventu ipsorum con-
jugum ad causam dictorum praedicatorum ibidem
secreto praedicantium, et videntes ipsa loquens et
dictus ejus quondam vir, eundem Monetum esse ita
iratum et male contentum propter adventum ipso-
rum, post modicum temporis ab ipsa domo reces-
serunt.
Interrogata quid sibi dixerunt supradicti duo prae-
dicatores? dixit quod nihil.
330 Interrogata si propter adventum suum et sui viri,
dicti praedicatores desierint praedicare? dixit quod non.
Interrogata an ipsa et ejus vir eo tunc cognoverunt
dictos praedicatores esse de consortio et conversa-
tione ipsorum? dixit et respondit quod in verbis suis
cognovit eos esse de ill is.
Interrogata si unquam alias viderat dictos duos
homines sive praedicatores in domo sua de Bello
Respectu? dixit non posse record ari.
Interrogata quid dicebant dicti praedicatores in
eorum praedicationibus? dixit non posse bene recor-
dari, quia paucum steterant ibidem propter turba-
tionem praedicti Moneti.
Interrogata an dicti praedicatores eo tunc iverint
ad domum supradicti Joannis Fabri? dixit quod non.
Amplius non fuit eo tunc interrogata, tamen prae-
libatus Dominus Inquisitor certis motus respectibus
etiam ut dictae mulieri parcatur laboribus et expensis,
recepto prius ab eadem juramento per earn ad sancta
Dei Evangelia praestito, de se repraesentando toties
quoties vocabitur, impositaque sibi poena haereticis
relapsis a jure indicta, casu quo comparere obmise-
rit, tandem a carceribus praedictis quibus ob causam
hujusmodi detinebatur, dixit et jussit relaxandam
usque ad primam deliberationem sive novum man-
datum.
contra Peyronettam. 36 1
Rursum vero anno quo superius et die Dominica
Ramis Palmarum, computata vigesima tertia mensis
Martii, apud locum praedictum Belli Respectus, et
coram nobis Henrico Dileri Capellano, et Vincentio
Gobaudi, notariis publicis et causae hujusmodi scribis,
ac in hac parte commissis per egregium et circum-
spectum virum Dominum Christophorum de Salhi-
enteDecretorumDoctoremVicariumque,etOfficialem
Valentiae, vivae vocis oraculo expresse deputatis, et
ibidem infra domum claustralem ipsius loci, vocata
supradicta Peironetta, et ea in praesentia nostra per-
sonaliter constituta, ipsam juxta nobis commissa de
et super omnibus et singulis per earn pridem supe-
rius dictis, et confessatis, eis omnibus prius lectis et in
lingua vulgarica et laica de verbo ad verbum recitatis
et declaratis; duximus repetendam et re-examinan-
dam, quibus omnibus et singulis per earn ut dixit ad 331
plenum perceptis, ejus medio juramento ad sancta
Dei Evangelia praestito, impositaque sibi poena qua
superius, videlicet quae de jure haereticis relapsis de-
betur de dicenda veritate, dicta Peironetta dixit et
sponte confessa est ea omnia et singula supra per
earn dicta, deposita et confessata, fore et esse vera,
veritati consona, prout et quemadmodum scripta sunt
superius, eisque omnibus et singulis tanquam recte
et legitime confessatis atque depositis, persistit pe-
tendo continue veniam et misericordiam. Actum
uti supra praesente venerabili viro Domino Guillielmo
Blanchardi, Vicario dicti loci. Quibus sic gestis dicta
Peironetta virtute juramenti per earn superius saepis-
sime praestiti, ac sub pcenis quibus supra praemissis
se repraesentare coram praelibato Domino Inquisitore
ac Domino Officiali toties quoties vocabitur ex parte
eorum.
Processum, sive acta praecedentia, sumpsi et recepi
ego Notarius subsignatus,
GOBAUDI.
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